Civil War Hospital Ship

The U.S.S. Red Rover, a captured Confederate vessel, was refitted as a hospital ship.

Evolution of Civil War Nursing

The evolution of the nursing profession in America was accelerated by the Civil War.

The Practice of Surgery

Amputations were the most common surgery performed during the Civil War.

Army Medical Museum and Library

Surgeon-General William Hammond established The Army Medical Museum in 1862. It was the first federal medical research facility.

Civil War Amputation Kit

Many Civil War surgical instruments had handles of bone, wood or ivory. They were never sterilized.

Thursday, May 14, 2015

A Recruit’s Quest to Join the Army: Isaiah G. Hacker Confronts the Shifting Health Requirements for Union Soldiers

By Ronald S. Coddington, 8-27-11

Every volunteer in the 19th Massachusetts Infantry would remember Aug. 28, 1861. The boys in blue tingled with nervous excitement as they slung their overstuffed knapsacks across their backs and boarded a train that would carry them from Lynnfield to Boston on the first leg of their trip to the South.

But for one young man, the day marked a low point in his life.

Isaiah Goddard Hacker, a 22-year-old from the Boston suburbs, had failed a physical examination and was denied enlistment in the regiment. Story has it that the doctor who made the call pronounced him too short: Hacker stood five feet, three and a half inches.

The rejection of Hacker is noteworthy for its rarity. States scrambled to organize medical boards and other institutional infrastructure to support the influx of volunteers in 1861 with varying degrees of success. Physical examinations were performed with little more than a wink and a nod in some parts of the Union early in the war. Volunteer physicians, unfamiliar with military rules and under pressure to enlist as many men as possible, passed recruits who never should have stepped foot into camp.

They failed to heed the warning of Charles Tripler, a doctor in the regular Army who wrote in his 1858 Manual of the Medical Officer, “Let the Surgeon then bear in mind that it is the number of bayonets in the field, and not the number of names upon the rolls, that determines the strength of an Army, and he will be less anxious to pass numbers of recruits.” Hacker’s home state did a better job than most in weeding out unfit men. Regulations established clear guidelines for an examination, calling for recruits to be stripped down and evaluated for a range of specified physical and mental criteria.

Many men rejected after the physical would have given up on the idea of going to war. Not Hacker. He and a friend followed the 19th Infantry as sutlers, or traders who sold food and other goods to the troops.

Soldiers expressed mixed feelings about these itinerant merchants. “Sutlers, as a rule, were described as a swindling, hard-fisted and grinding race,” stated a member of the 19th. One veteran from another regiment offered a more generous view, hailing the sutler’s store as “that wonderful requisite of army life.” He acknowledged that some “sold poor stuff for a large price,” but that

it was a great comfort to many to have a chance to spend something, when they did not know what to do with their salaries. Those bottles of pickles, if they were high priced, were often just the thing when a man was growing bilious. Those sardines, often oiled over things when a man was disgusted with everything he cooked.

After his sutler’s stint ended, Hacker attempted to join the Second Massachusetts Infantry, which needed recruits to fill its depleted ranks. He again failed the physical. Then, in the summer of 1862, President Abraham Lincoln issued a new call for volunteers. Hacker enlisted once more. This time he succeeded — a reflection less of improvements in his stature than the anxiety of recruiters to meet the state quota.

Hacker mustered into the Army as a private for a three-year term and took his place in the ranks of the 38th Massachusetts Infantry. He reportedly made a first-rate soldier and impressed his comrades as “one who always did his duty, and could be relied on at all times.” His company commanders promoted him through the ranks to corporal and then sergeant.

The doctors who had disqualified him twice before may have been surprised at Hacker’s aptitude for the military. But Tripler, the Army surgeon, would likely have understood. His medical manual challenged the centuries-old preference for big and brawny recruits. Tripler reasoned that in the modern era of firearms, including the recent introduction of the rifled musket, smaller men like Hacker had a place in the ranks:

"Quickness of perception, enterprise, and intelligence, certainly do not depend upon bulk of body, but are found comparatively much more frequently in men of small, than in men of large stature. The bulky man, from a consciousness of physical force, due as much to weight as to nerve, may ordinarily possess more physical courage; but the quick-witted, active little fellow, who instinctively makes up, by intelligence and address, for the difference in physical force, thus training and disciplining his mind, however unconsciously, to meet and grapple with superior strength, will make the best and most reliable soldier."

Neither physical size nor mental capacity could have prevented an artillery shell fragment from seriously wounding Hacker at the Third Battle of Winchester, also known as Opequon, on Sept. 19, 1864. He became one of the thousands of casualties suffered by Maj. Gen. Philip Sheridan’s 39,000 Union forces in their victory over Lt. Gen. Jubal Early’s 14,000 Confederates at the northern end of Virginia’s Shenandoah Valley.

A dedicated diary-keeper, Hacker recorded the event in his journal.

"We were ordered forward under a heavy fire of grape and musketry, our lines advanced in good order for about 3 or 400 yards when the enemy opened a masked battery on us and a cross fire of musketry which broke our lines and compelled them to fall back, just as we turned to go back a piece of shell knocked me over and broke my ribs on the right side and I had a narrow escape from being taken by the Rebs."

Blood ran from Hacker’s mouth as he retreated with his comrades. He made his way with other wounded soldiers to the front yard of a house-turned-field-hospital in Winchester. A friend visited the next day and found Hacker “very low and thought his recovery very doubtful as it was said he was dangerously hurt internally.” Hacker had suffered two broken ribs and lung damage.

Medical personnel evacuated him to Pennsylvania and admitted him to a military hospital in York, and then sent him home to Massachusetts to convalesce. His recovery was aided by the efforts of Charlotte “Lottie” Webb, the sister of the friend with whom he served as a sutler. She nursed Hacker back to health.

Hacker returned to his regiment and mustered out of the Army at the end of the war. He returned home and married Lottie. They raised three children, including a set of twins. His injured lung troubled him. In 1868, a doctor who feared consumption advised him to go west. And so Hacker and his family moved to Kansas and settled on a farm. The agricultural life did not agree with him, and he found a job as manager of a shoe department in a store in Manhattan, Kan. He died in 1925, at the age of 86.

Ronald S. Coddington is the author of “Faces of the Civil War” and “Faces of the Confederacy.” His forthcoming book profiles the lives of men of color who participated in the Civil War. He writes “Faces of War,” a column for the Civil War News.

From: opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com

Image: Isaiah Hacker strikes a relaxed pose, holding a forage cap in his right hand; Carte de visite by an unidentified photographer, circa 1862.

Bullet or Foreign Body Extractor

From: joshuasattic.com

This type of forcep instrument has wide serrated cups on the ends in order to grab bullets or foreign bodies out from wounds. Imagine a field surgeon in a bloody butcher's smock without gloves digging "by feel" around inside your arm or leg! This is a smaller version at 4 1/4 inches long. It is maker-marked "Lentz".

Dr. James McCune Smith: First African-American to Earn a Medical Degree

From: blackdoctorscolumbusohio.com

Dr. James McCune Smith (1813-1865) First African-American to earn a medical degree, 1837 (University of Glasgow, Scotland). Not only the first black American to obtain a medical degree, he was a prominent abolitionist and suffragist, compassionate physician, prolific writer, and public intellectual. He was denied admission to colleges in the United States, his native land, and earned his medical, master's, and baccalaureate degrees at Glasgow University in Scotland. On his return to New York City in 1837, Smith became the first black physician to publish articles in US medical journals. Frederick Douglass, Gerrit Smith, and John Brown personally collaborated with James McCune Smith in the fight for black freedom. As the learned physician-scholar of the abolition movement, Smith was instrumental in making the overthrow of slavery credible and successful.(SOURCE: US National Library of Medicine National Institutes of Health)


Mary Sophia Hill: The ‘Florence Nightingale of the Army of Northern Virginia’

From: irishamericancivilwar.com, 9-25-10

In New Orleans in 1861, Mary Hill and her brother Sam had an argument. The siblings were close; the emigrants from Dublin lived together, with Sam working as an engineer and Mary as a teacher. As a result of the fight, Sam left and joined Company F of the 6th Louisiana Volunteers, a largely Irish regiment that was destined to serve in the Army of Northern Virginia. Mary was distraught at her brother’s decision to enlist, convinced that he was not cut out to be a soldier. She resolved to follow the regiment to the front and attached herself to the unit’s medical staff. Her activities during the course of the war would see her become a heroine in the eyes of all Louisiana troops, who would refer to her as the ‘Florence Nightingale of the Army of Northern Virginia’.

Mary soon found herself facing the realities of war as casualties began to stream in following the first battle of Manassas, where she helped to deal with the wounded. Her diary, transcribed by the Louisiana Division of the UDC, records her thoughts. Mary remembered ‘being asked by some to pick Minie balls out of their legs and arms, while they waited their turn of the doctors, who of course had to attend to the most serious cases first. They have not half supplies. I tore down all the window blinds, and rolled them into bandages; nor was there half hospital accommodations. I made good chicken-soup, and flew around generally. The sights of the wounded were fearful to look at; I was nearly wild with excitement, thinking, as each batch of wounded arrived, I might see my brother, or my Louisiana friends of Walker’s Brigade.’ Thankfully for Mary, her brother’s regiment were not seriously engaged at the battle. As the war progressed, the Louisiana boys under her care came to call her ‘mother’ due to her attentiveness to their needs when they were sick and wounded. Throughout  she always found time to look after her brother, trying to make sure that  he was well fed and clothed, while often despairing of his propensity for losing his belongings.

While Sam’s regiment prepared to take part in Stonewall Jackson’s 1862 Valley Campaign, Mary decided to travel to the Richmond hospitals to see what she could do for the wounded soldiers there. She soon learned that the 6th Louisiana were engaged and decided to rejoin her brother and his comrades. While en-route, she heard a report that her brother had been killed in action, news which Mary describes as driving her ‘nearly crazy’. Luckily the reports were premature, although Sam had been badly wounded. While nursing him back to health in Richmond Mary also worked in the Louisiana Hospital, where she cared for many men of that State who were wounded during the Seven Days Battles.

Aside from her work at the front aiding the soldiers, Mary had many other adventures throughout the course of the war. Availing of her British citizenship, she was able to move between Confederate and Union controlled areas, which included New Orleans following its fall. This allowed her to carry out further compassionate work, such as bringing news of killed and wounded soldiers to their families and loved ones behind the lines. However, her actions did not go unnoticed by the Federal authorities, and in 1864 she was arrested in New Orleans and charged with ‘having correspondence with and giving intelligence to the enemy’. At the time of her arrest she was recovering from scarlet fever, but despite this she went on to spend four months in prison. She was eventually sentenced ‘to be sent into the Confederacy as an enemy’. Following her ordeal she was never to fully recover her health, and after the war she sought redress for what she saw as unlawful imprisonment.

One of the interesting aspects of Mary’s wartime experience were her two visits to Europe, once in 1863 and again in early 1865. While there she took the opportunity to visit her family in Ireland. Her diary illustrates that the Irish experience of the American Civil War was not restricted to those who had left for America; she met an Irish family who gave her presents to take to their only son who was a sergeant in Company F of the 6th Louisiana, and a custom-house official who asked her to carry a letter to his brother in the war department in Richmond. One can only imagine what it was like for families such as these who had loved ones fighting at such remove from Ireland. Much of their time must have been anxiously spent waiting for scraps of out of date and often inaccurate information about the conflict in which their family members were engaged.

After the war, Mary was named the first matron of the Soldiers’ Home set up by the associations of the Army of Northern Virginia and Army of Tennessee. She eventually moved to New York where she lived with her nephew until her death in 1902. The true impact she made on so many lives during the Civil War was revealed in a Confederate Veteran article written on the occasion of her passing. The magazine described Mary’s funeral: Through the streets of New Orleans, at an early morning hour, marched a long line of aged men wearing gray uniforms, with bowed heads and saddened hearts. Before them was borne the remains of a woman whom they had known in adversity, and honored as a queen among Southern sympathizers. The “Florence Nightingale of the Army of Northern Virginia” was dead, and its surviving veterans sought to show their love and appreciation by burying her with military honors, an unusual and beautiful occurrence.’ Many of the men who marched in the funeral cortege had first hand experience of Mary’s kindness. One was John H. Collins, who had served with Wheat’s Tigers during the war and ‘whose empty sleeve spoke silently of the past struggle in which she was a participant’. He bore a heart-shaped floral wreath of red roses, tied with a broad white satin ribbon. It was a final tribute from the men of the Army of Northern Virginia to the Irishwoman who had made such a difference to their lives during the war.


Civil War Hospital Steward Caduceus Chevrons

From: joshuasattic.com

This shows an original pair of very rare Union Hospital Stewards cloth chevron bands. They have hand stitched snake and staff of the medical profession since Greek times called the caduceus, still a symbol of physicians today. The edging is missing but cloth field and caduceus device are in superb condition. Such chevrons can be seen on photographic examples of Hospital Stewards' typical dress uniforms from Civil War reference books.


Bonds Between Women & Daguerreotypes of A Dying Man in 1862

From: irishamericancivilwar.com, 4-28-15

Families often relied on volunteer nurses to keep them informed of a loved one’s condition in hospital. Over time, bonds could develop between these caregivers and the soldier’s wives far away. The correspondence below, written by Emma Smith from St. Elizabeth Hospital, Washington D.C. to Sarah Welsh in Fayette County, Pennsylvania, are a case in point. This poignant collection of letters charts in some detail the final days of Sarah’s husband Christy Welsh, a man who appears to have been unaware of his impending death. They also contain intriguing detail regarding a request from Sarah for an image of her husband– a request that precipitated an urgent effort to secure a ‘Daguerreotype Artist’ to expose the image of Christy while alive, before all that could be sent was a memento-mori.

Irish emigrant Christy Welsh had married Sarah Boyle in Pennsylvania in 1843. The 1860 Census enumerated them in North Union, Fayette County, where they lived with Mary (15), Ann (12) Amanda (10) John (8), William (3) and Catharine (1). Another daughter Sarah– aged 5 in 1860– does not appear with them on the census. Of the couple’s stated six children in 1862, only John, Sarah and William were recorded as dependents under the age of 16. Christy was around 41-years-old when he mustered in as a private in the 85th Pennsylvania Infantry on 12th November 1861. The regiment was soon sent to Washington D.C., where on 29th January 1862 Christy was engaged in nightime sentinel duty at Fort Baker outside the city. In the pitch dark he stumbled, falling out of the fort and into the moat. The accident left him with a compound fracture of the thigh. It was that injury which ultimately resulted in his death at St. Elizabeth Hospital, Washington D.C., a little over seven months later.

The first letter from Emma to Sarah was dated 2nd August 1862. It is apparent that Christy will die; clearly Sarah has asked Emma to get an image taken of her husband before the inevitable takes place:

St. Elizabeth Aug 2d 62

My Dear Mrs. Welsh,

Your letter received your husband is very gently sinking away– he does not suffer is very cheerful. His leg has not mortified but the heat of last month has worn on him and taken his appetite away. He takes egg nog & wine & brandy– anything he fancies we have in plenty– I have sent for a daguerrian artist I am expecting him every moment to take his picture– one of the men is now shaving & changing his shirt– he is much pleased with the idea of having it taken– may Our Father comfort you,

In heart sympathy,

yours,

Emma D. Smith

Emma’s next letter to Sarah is written two days later, after Christy’s death. The efforts to have his image exposed before his death are again to the fore, as are the circumstances which prevented this from happening. A memento-mori was now all that could be produced, which was to be sent to Sarah along with some of the clothing he was wearing in the daguerreotype. Emma closes the letter with a detailed account of Christy’s final hours, including a relation of how she told him the Parable of the Sower and the Parable of the Unjust Judge:

St. Elizabeth Aug 4th

Monday

My Dear Mrs. Welsh,

Your heart is prepared I trust for the confirmation of all your fears. Last night, Sunday, Heaven’s gate opened wider, angels sung a song of welcome & escorted by an angelic guard your best loved one entered in to receive (no doubt) a victor’s crown– don’t think of him as dead, but gone before to wait and welcome you & the little ones he loved so fondly. Saturday morning he was very much interested in preparing to have his picture taken it seemed to give him new life he was shaved & had on a pink striped shirt, which he fancied very much– I carried him a box of collars and cravats to choose from not new ones but the best we had– he had one of the men stand before him & try several on & chose one which I will send you.

The artist disappointed us he could not get a wagon to bring out his instruments. I sent to town, as soon as I received your letter, for he tells me he spent hours in trying to find a conveyance– engaged one and the harness broke– he feels very badly about it– he came early this morn & has spent all day nearby trying to get a good one. I will send you the best one he took tomorrow.

I think it looks so peaceful– may it comfort you. I put the cravat he selected on for it to be taken. Saturday he was unusually bright & cheerful eat his usual meals & lunch at 11 o’clock– took egg nog– in the evening he had a chill but passed a comfortable night – Sunday morn he wished to be per[k]ed[?] again to have his picture taken– eat two eggs & some toast for breakfast– egg-nog and sponge cake for lunch stewed tomatoes & light pudding with a glass of wine and cup of milk for dinner. At three o’clock I read him one or two of the dear saviours parables in poetry the parable of the sower & the unjust judge– he said they were very good seemed much pleased with them– told me he had been a methodist fifteen years– his wife was a presbyterian spoke of the breast pin I had on asked its cost for his girls were to love pins and ear-hops– at half past three said he would have some egg-nog– at four another chill came on– after it he slept & passed gradually away. May God sustain you. I will write again soon– can I do anything for you. I feel as though I had known you years. The doctor has his descriptive list.

Yours in sorrow

E.D. Smith

I cut some of his hair off for you

Emma sent a final letter to Sarah on 16th August 1862. In it the bond that has developed between the two women is clear– Sarah has clearly asked Emma details about her own family circumstances. Emma revealed that Christy was not aware he was dying, and she could not bring himself to tell him that he was:

St. Elizabeth Aug 16th 62

My Dear Mrs. Welsh,

Yours of the 10th was gladly received I shall be always sincerely glad to hear from you & your little family and shall feel nothing a trouble I can do for you. As you requested I’ve had the few clothes your husband brought put in his knap-sacks– he had a dress coat & over coat & a few little articles– I’m very sorry– he left his revolver in camp– he spoke of it several times and proposed giving it to a friend– I’ve forgotten whom. He thought to the last he would get well I do not think he was once pained by the thought of dying– it seemed only cruel to tell him– you know till almost the last we had hopes for him he always expressed strong christian hopes– he once spoke of the soldiers wickedness– said they could get along very well in health but when sick or wounded they would feel their need of something better– I think his hopes of Heaven were bright & strong. After I received your letter asking his feeling I tried in every way to draw them out but his mind wandered. I could not make him talk– the afternoon before he died a good army chaplain who had been preaching here to the soldiers came in to speak to him of Jesus.

Please don’t blame me for not telling him his situation I felt it would only make his heart ache with sad thoughts of leaving you– forgive me if I was wrong. I received a kind letter from Judge Ewing expressing kindest regard for your husband & his family. I have another small lock of your husband’s hair I saved one day when his hair was cut a few weeks since.

You kindly asked about my mother– she lives in Philadelphia– or rather she is boarding there, while I stay here– our native place is Providence, R.I.

Thank you for your kind interest in me– I wish there was something I could do to prove my earnest interest in your family– ’tis so pleasant to think that one day in Our Father’s happy home we shall all meet where there are no partings. My kind love to our little Douglass

Yours lovingly,

Emma D. Smith

Image 1: A nurse writes a letter home for a hospitalised soldier in 1863 (Library of Congress)

Image 2&3:  The portrait of a soldier kept forms a keepsake for those he has left behind. The reverse of the image, which contains a lock of the soldier's hair (Library of Congress)

Sunday, May 10, 2015

Bone Apothocary Spoon

From: joshuasattic.com

A finely carved spoon made of animal bone, used for scooping out powdered medications from the larger jars and glass bottles carried in big boxed medical kits. Could have been used by a civilian apothocary as well. Most medications were still hand-mixed on a daily, individual basis in the 1860's according to a strict set of preset formula or a hand-scrawled "perscription" by the physician with notations as to very-exact amounts of each ingredient in grains, ounces or drachims. This is a cool item. It shows our former use of animal bone in a more pastoral society for quite practical items, such as utensils, tool handles, buttons, dice, dominoes, and spacer rings on instruments. Camel and cow bone is still used a lot in China, India, Africa and Middle East. Grips for decorative daggers and canes come from gazelle, zebra and lions in Africa. Horns are used in Middle East and China for daggers, jewelry and actual "herbal" folk medications. Any waste of something useful seems ridiculous to members of these more "earthy" societies. America once employed bone, fur, horn and leather from animals to their fullnest. Now, it is considered not "politically correct." You can see the darker lines or "grain" of the bone's trabeculae (struts of growth) on the bowl & grip of this spoon.


Dr. William P. Powell, Jr., African American Union Army Surgeon

By Jill L. Newmark

William P. Powell, Jr., was one of the first African American physicians to receive a contract as a surgeon with the Union Army. (Records of the Department of Veterans Affairs, RG 15)

More than 180,000 African Americans—some free born, some escaped slaves—served in the Union Army during the Civil War, but only 13 of them tended to the wounded as surgeons.

Few personal accounts by these surgeons exist, and much of their story has remained hidden, but many clues exist in the thousands of documents and records in the National Archives.

By piecing together these clues—from existing medical personnel files, contract surgeon records, pension files, and other records in the Archives—their stories emerge and their voices can be heard.

And occasionally, there is a rare moment when a piece of history not known to even exist reveals itself. Such was the case when a 146-year-old photograph of Army surgeon William P. Powell, Jr., was found among the many pages of depositions and documents in his pension file. The photograph is both unusual and special since images of black Civil War soldiers are rare, and those of black Civil War surgeons even harder to find.

The black and white photograph reveals a 29-year-old man dressed in a military uniform with his cap on a table beside him. As he rests his arm on the table, legs crossed, he projects an air of confidence and pride. This never-before-published photograph finally puts a face with a name and helps us see the man behind the story.

William P. Powell, Jr., was free born of a black father and a Native American mother in Bedford, Massachusetts, in 1834. His father, William P. Powell, Sr., was a staunch abolitionist and operated several boarding houses for black seamen in Bedford and New York City, providing refuge for tired sailors and fugitive slaves. While living in New York with his family, the younger Powell found work as an apothecary. This piqued his interest in becoming a physician.

By 1851, William P. Powell, Sr., decided to relocate his family to England to escape the harsh fugitive slave laws, which he described as a declaration of war against the "free coloured population" in a letter he penned to the abolitionist newspaper the National Anti-Slavery Standard. The younger Powell spent much of his young adult life living in Liverpool, where his father had established a seaman's boarding house and helped newly arrived fugitive slaves find lodging and work. It was while living in England that he received his medical training from the College of Physicians and Surgeons in London. Whether Powell actually received a medical degree is uncertain, but upon his return to New York with his family in 1861, he began practicing medicine.

With the outbreak of the Civil War that year, many Americans sought ways to participate in the war effort. The opportunity to serve was limited for African Americans until 1863, when dwindling Union resources convinced the government to begin the recruitment of African American soldiers. In May of that year, Powell applied for and was offered a contract with the United States Army to serve as an acting assistant surgeon. He was assigned to the Contraband Hospital for fugitive slaves and black soldiers in Washington, D.C., under the direction of Maj. Alexander T. Augusta, the first African American medical officer in the Union Army and the first surgeon-in-chief of this hospital. Powell served alongside other African American surgeons including Anderson R. Abbott, Benjamin A. Boseman, and John H. Rapier. In October 1863, Augusta left the hospital to muster in with his regiment, the Seventh U.S. Colored Infantry, leaving Powell in charge.

Powell's leadership of the Contraband Hospital lasted only one year. During that time he faced many challenges both administrative and personal. He was troubled by accusations from some nurses and surgeons of reckless drinking habits and questionable treatment of patients. These charges were commonly brought against African American Army surgeons during the war as a result of the widespread prejudice they faced. Despite these accusations, Powell was still seen as a good doctor by many patients and nurses and served out his time until his departure in November 1864.

After leaving the Contraband Hospital, Powell continued to practice medicine as a civilian and by 1891 had retired from the profession due to declining health and disability. The loss of his medical credentials during an earthquake in San Francisco hindered his ability for employment as a physician and added to his decision to retire. With no other means of support, he filed a pension application, convinced of his worthiness to receive a government pension based on his disability and Army service. He would spend the next 24 years petitioning the government to approve his application, even writing to Presidents William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt asking for their support.

Powell returned to England in 1902 to tend to his dying brother while continuing to pursue his claim for a military pension. Despite his determination and perseverance, he was unsuccessful. His pension was denied based on insufficient medical evidence of his disability and his status as a contract surgeon, not a commissioned military officer. Powell remained in England until his death in 1915 at the age of 81, having spent his last years as an invalid confined to a home for the aged and infirm.

William P. Powell, Jr.'s story is just one of the many stories of African American surgeons that are revealed through the documents found at the National Archives. These records provide a glimpse into the shared experiences of these men and open a door into this rarely studied part of Civil War history.

Author
Jill L. Newmark is exhibition specialist and registrar in the History of Medicine Division at the National Library of Medicine in Bethesda, Maryland. She has curated several exhibitions for NLM including "Opening Doors: Contemporary African American Academic Surgeons" and Everyday Miracles: Medical Imagery in Ex–Votos"and is currently working on a project exploring the role of African Americans in Civil War medicine.

From: archives.gov


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