Civil War Hospital Ship

The U.S.S. Red Rover, a captured Confederate vessel, was refitted as a hospital ship.

Evolution of Civil War Nursing

The evolution of the nursing profession in America was accelerated by the Civil War.

The Practice of Surgery

Amputations were the most common surgery performed during the Civil War.

Army Medical Museum and Library

Surgeon-General William Hammond established The Army Medical Museum in 1862. It was the first federal medical research facility.

Civil War Amputation Kit

Many Civil War surgical instruments had handles of bone, wood or ivory. They were never sterilized.

Showing posts with label Civil War soldiers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Civil War soldiers. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 18, 2017

Failed Objects: Bullet Proof Vests and Design in the American Civil War

By Sarah Weicksel, 4-29-13

Scholar Sarah Weicksel continues her exploration of Civil War clothing with a look at the bullet proof vest.

In late March 1862, Illinois officer John Cheney wrote home to his wife Mary about recent happenings in camp. "Lew Smith is here selling those bulletproof vests," he relayed. "I think they are a good thing and may buy one" (quoted in Gordon Armstrong, ed., Illinois Artillery Officer's Civil War, 24).

John Cheney was one of many Union soldiers who were tempted by advertisers' promises of the merits of bullet proof vests. Such protective battle garments were not, of course, altogether new—armor had been used for centuries. But, continued advances in weaponry—and ballistics technology in particular—far outpaced the technology used in the design of such protective garments, posing a serious dilemma for military men in the mid-nineteenth century.

Multiple styles of bullet proof vests were commercially available and advertised during the Civil War. Although they were not issued by the army, soldiers or their families with disposable income could purchase vests by mail, in stores, or from camp peddlers like Lew Smith for between $5.00 and $8.00 (approximately $115.00 to $147.00 in today's currency)—the equivalent of roughly one-third to one-half of a private's monthly pay.

Advertisers made great claims about the effectiveness of these vests, touting them as having "saved the lives of Generals, Colonels, Captains, and thousands of soldiers" and asserted that the vests would continue to save the lives of thousands more. Wearing such a vest, they explained, would "double the value and the power of the soldier," presumably suggesting that, with the appropriate battle garments, a Union soldier could achieve an even more glorious victory.

The most widely available vest seems to have been "The Soldiers' Bullet-proof Vest" that was advertised in Harper's Weekly, a widely-circulated New York City-based newspaper.

These vests, as one soldier aptly described, "were nothing more than ordinary vests with metal plates between the lining and the outside of the front of the vest" (DeVelling, History of the Seventeenth Regiment, 119). Sheet-iron or cast iron plates were formed to fit the general curvature of a man's torso before being inserted between layers of cotton and wool fabric. The vests, however, were far from custom-made. Instead, they could be purchased in sizes "Nos. 1, 2, and 3." According to the pictured advertisement, No. 2 would fit nearly all men. Potential purchasers were also assured that the vests were "repeatedly and thoroughly tested" and would repel rifle bullets at 40 rods (220 yards) and pistol bullets at 10 paces.

In theory, the vests were appealing. As one soldier wrote: "To be 'iron clad' when the bullets should fly as thick as hail! What more could a soldier ask?" (Walker, History of the Eighteenth Regiment Conn. Volunteers, 21). In actuality, however, the vests proved to be failed objects on multiple levels, ranging from ease of use to their effectiveness. Although advertisers claimed that the vests were "simple" and "light," soldiers found them extremely cumbersome due to their inflexibility and weight. Colonel Charles F. Johnson of New Jersey explained to his wife: "the only objection that I have to them is that they are so confounded heavy for this season of the year" (quoted in Pelka, ed., The Civil War Letters of Colonel Charles F. Johnson, 112). Many soldiers' letters and memoirs recounted the abandonment of bullet proof vests along the march, where they littered the side of the road along with other unwanted gear.

With no oversight to ensure the reliability of manufacturers' claims, it was the soldier's prerogative as to whether or not to accept assurances that the vests had been "repeatedly and thoroughly tested." While some soldiers wore the vests into battle, others opted to first test the effectiveness of the garments themselves. Colonel Johnson, for instance, sat down one morning in May 1862 to write a letter to his wife, telling her that he and his fellow field officers were just about to test their newly arrived bullet proof vests with muskets, rifles, and pistols. He resumed his letter a few hours later, reporting that they had "just returned with the great, mighty, powerful 'bullit proof' vest and the result is that a common musket put a ball clear through it at 50 yards, through yes, and carried some four or five inches of the stuff with it." The metal and cloth fragments carried by the bullet into a man's body, he surmised, "would have killed the devil himself if it all had entered his body" (Pelka, 112-113).

The vests did provide some degree of protection, judging from the bullet-shaped dents in surviving vests. But they were ineffective in close combat, and, as Johnson rightly pointed out, wearing a vest could have resulted in an even more deadly wound if a man was shot at close range, whether from immediate impact, or an infection festering around the bits of cloth and metal that the bullet pushed into his body.

While it is difficult to calculate how many bullet proof vests were actually sold, most soldiers who did purchase these vests seem to have abandoned them relatively quickly, although not always prior to battle. Men were occasionally discovered to be wearing the vests as they lay on the battlefield, wounded or dead.

American manufacturers continued to experiment with bullet proof technology after the Civil War. However, it was not until one hundred years later, in the 1960s, that chemist Stephanie Kwolek developed Kevlar, the first technology to successfully repel bullets with any consistency.

Sarah Weicksel is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at The University of Chicago, and a Graduate Scholar-in-Residence at The Newberry Library. She is currently at work on her dissertation project: "The Fabric of War: Clothing, Culture and Violence in the American Civil War Era." She has also blogged about other types of clothing in the Civil War.

Image 1: This regular, non-bullet proof vest was worn by a colonel in the Confederate Army Infantry.

Image 2: The Soldiers' Bullet Proof Vest, "Harper's Weekly," March 15, 1862, p. 176

From: americanhistory.si.edu

Thursday, April 6, 2017

Military Dog Tag History

From: dogtagsonline.com

The First Military Dog Tags
At the start of the Civil War fallen soldiers on both sides who died in battle were generally buried where they fell. The remaining soldiers realized that, in the event of their own death, their remains would never be identified nor would their family be notified of their demise. To aid in their identification these soldiers began pinning paper and cloth ribbons, printed with their name, unit, and hometown, to their uniforms. They would also scratch this information onto the soft metal of their belt buckles and stencil their name and hometown on their knapsacks.

Shortly after this retailers and manufacturers saw a need and stated advertising ‘Soldier Pins’ in the periodicals of the time, such as Harper’s Weekly. These first military identification tags, which were pinned to the uniform, were available in gold and silver and came in different shapes to designate different branches of the military. These were not widely used.

Sutlers were civilian merchants who followed the troops and operated tent stores to supply tobacco and food staples to the soldiers. These sutlers also began supplying the soldiers with identification tags that were machine stamped from various soft metals. These were engraved with the soldier’s name, unit, and hometown and could also list the battles the soldier had participated in. There was a hole punched in the top and these first American 'dog tags' were worn around the neck hanging from a string or cord.

Military Dog Tags Made Standard Issue
In 1899 Chaplin Charles C. Pierce, Quartermaster of Identification in the Philippines, proposed adding an ‘identity disc’ to the standard combat field pack. Not much happened with this until The Army Regulations of 1913 made identification tags mandatory and by 1917 all of the soldiers were wearing an aluminum identification tag into combat. These aluminum identification discs were replaced by the Navy/Marine style oblong ‘Monel’ metal dog tag which was made of an alloy of copper and nickel. This style of dog tag was used well into WWII.

Military Dog Tags in World War 2
Testing of a new style of identification tag was started in 1938 and by 1940 the first rounded–end rectangle dog tag, known as the M1940 issue, was being introduced. These notched identification tags had the text debossed or stamped in and devices were available to actually use the dog tag itself to stamp military and medical records. With the addition of the blood type, tetanus shot information, and religious preference, this identification tag was now a life saving device.

One of the most common myths about these notched dogtags was that the identification tag was jammed into the teeth of the dead soldier to identify the body being returned home for burial. The truth of the matter is that the notch on the dog tag was used to position and align the dog tag on a location pin in the Addressograph embossing machines.

These M1940 notched identification tags were used until they were replaced by what is now known as the M1967 dog tag. The notch was eliminated and the text was now to be embossed, which is raised text like that on a credit card. These dogtags were made of T304 stainless steel and, for the first time, all branches of the US Armed Forces, including the Air Force, Army, Navy, and Marines, were all required to use the same dogtag. Although all branches of the Armed Forces now use the same dog tag the military text formats are unique for each branch of the military. These unique military text formats can all be found on our website at - Military Dog Tags.

Military Dog Tags of the Future
The US Army is currently developing and testing several new dogtags known by various names including the Soldier Data Tag, Individually Carried Record, Meditag, and the Personal Information Carrier. Using RFID(radio frequency identification), microchip or USB technology these dog tags will hold a soldier’s medical and dental records. These will not replace the current dogtag but will be worn in addition to the current dogtags. The TacMedCS currently being developed by the Marine Corps will use advanced electronics, RFID, and even GPS technology to help pinpoint wounded soldiers.

Tuesday, March 28, 2017

History of the Dog Tag

From: 173rdairborne.com

The Civil War provided the first recorded incident of American soldiers making an effort to ensure that their identities would be known should they die on the battlefield. Their methods were varied, and all were taken on a soldier's own initiative. In 1863, prior to the battle of Mine's Run in northern Virginia, General Meade's troops wrote their names and unit designations on paper tags and pinned them to their clothing. Many soldiers took great care to mark all their personal belongings. Some troops fashioned their own "ID" (identification) tags out of pieces of wood, boring a hole in one end so that they could be worn on a string around the neck.

The commercial sector saw the demand for an identification method and provided products. Harper's Weekly Magazine advertised "Soldier's Pins" which could be mail ordered. Made of silver or gold, these pins were inscribed with an individual's name and unit designation. Private vendors who followed troops also offered ornate identification disks for sale just prior to battles. Still, despite the fact that fear of being listed among the unknowns was a real concern among the rank and file, no reference to an official issue of identification tags by the Federal Government exists. (42% of the Civil War dead remain unidentified.)

The first official advocacy of issuing identification tags took place in 1899. Chaplain Charles C. Pierce, who was tasked to establish the Quartermaster Office of Identification in the Philippines, recommended inclusion of an "identity disc" in the combat field kit as the answer to the need for standard identification. The Army Regulations of 1913 made identification tags mandatory, and by 1917, all combat soldiers wore aluminum discs on chains around their necks.

By World War II, the circular disc was replaced by the oblong shape familiar to us today, generally referred to as "dog tags."

Since then, some myths have arisen in connection with the purpose of the identification tags. One of the more common myths involves the reason for the notch on the tag issued between 1941 and the early 1970's. Battlefield rumor held that the notched end of the tag was placed between the front teeth of battlefield casualties to hold the jaws in place.

No official record of American soldiers being issued these instructions exists; the only purpose of "the notch" was to hold the blank tag in place on the embossing machine. The machine used at this time doesn't require a notch to hold he blank in place, hence, today's tags are smooth on all sides.

Thee sole purpose of the identification tag is stated by its designation. Tags found around the neck of a casualty, and only those tags found around the neck, stay with the remains at all times tags found any place besides around the neck are made note of in the Record of Personal Effects of Deceased Personnel, and placed in an effects bag.  They are not removed unless there is a need to temporarily inter the remains. If there is only one tag present, another is made to match the first. If the remains are unidentified, two tags marked "unidentified" are made. One tag is interred with the individual, the other placed on a wire ring in the sequence of the temporary cemetery plot. This enables Graves Registration personnel to make positive identification of remains during disinterment procedures; when the remains are disinterred, the tag on the wire ring is removed and placed with the matching tag around the neck.

The Department of the Army has developed and is currently testing a new tag, which will hold 80% of a soldier's medical and dental data on a microchip. Known as the Individually Carried Record, it is not intended to replace the present tag, but rather to augment it as part of the "paperless battlefield" concept.

This development is in keeping with the Army's dedication to positively identify each and every fallen soldier. The yellow TacMedCS being tested by the Marines uses radio frequency technology, electronics and global-positioning systems to pin-point wounded.

The Armed Forces make every possible effort to eradicate discrepancies and remove doubts about casualties, not least those doubts that families may hold concerning the demise of their loved ones. In recent years, a near perfect record of identifying service members who have died in the line of duty has been achieved, a far cry from the 58% rate of identification that stood during the Civil War. The ID tag has, been and remains a major part of the reason for this record. Are you wearing your ID tags today? Too many military personnel, particularly those who are part of the peacetime force stationed in CONUS (Continental United States), forget how vital those tags can be, forget that as soldiers they are always on the line. Wearing your ID tags is one of the easiest actions you can make towards achieving total readiness, so take those tags out of your dresser and put them around your neck. Remember -the simple information contained on that small aluminum tag can speak for you if you can't speak for yourself; it could mean the difference between a positive identification and an uncertain future for those who survive you, should your identity be "...known only to God."

We've come a long way from tieing pieces of wood around our necks.

This article was written CPT Richard W. Wooley was Chief of Individual Training. Graves Registration Department (now the Mortuary Affairs Center), U.S. Army Quartermaster School, Fort Lee, Virginia.


Tuesday, March 14, 2017

A Brief History Of The Dog Tag

By Sarah Sicard, 1-15-16

The use of the iconic form of identification has its roots in the Civil War.

During the Civil War, the inability of the military to identify battlefield casualties created the need for a soldier identification method.

According to the U.S. Army Quartermaster Foundation, prior to the Battle of Mine Run in northern Virginia 1863, Gen. George Meade’s troops wrote their names and unit designations on paper tags and pinned them to their clothing. At the same time, other soldiers created prototype identification tags out of pieces of wood, perforating one end so that they could be worn on a string around their necks.

Between 1862 and 1913, while the military considered a number of options for identifying soldier remains on the battlefield, individual soldiers continued to utilize makeshift identification methods. In 1906, a circular aluminum disc was presented. By 1913, identification tags were made mandatory by the military.

The circular tags, handstamped with name, rank, serial number, unit, and religion were used during World War I.

Dog tags, name tapes and memorabilia are displayed at the top of Mount Suribachi in Iwo To, formerly known as Iwo Jima, Japan, Dec. 17, 2014.

By World War I, soldiers wore two tags. “One tag remained with the body, tied around the legs or ankles or feet,” Luther Hanson, curator at the U.S. Army Quartermaster Museum, told The New York Times in a 2013 interview.

Dog tags, name tapes and memorabilia are displayed at the top of Mount Suribachi in Iwo To, formerly known as Iwo Jima, Japan, Dec. 17, 2014.

Around World War II, the circular tag was replaced by the more oval shape used by the military today. Its resemblance to dog collar tags led to the designation of “dog tag.” The tags used during World War II were stamped by a machine and had a rectangular shape with round ends and a notch on one side.

A gruesome rumor circulated that the notch was put in the tag so that the tag could be placed in a dead soldier’s mouth hold it open to prevent the body from gaseous bloating. However, the real reason for the notch was that the stamping machine required it to hold the tag in place during embossing.

The point of the tag ultimately is to be left around the neck of a casualty, staying with the remains at all times.

According the Library of Congress, during the Vietnam War, “changes were made to the information on dog tags.The dog tags went from the earlier eight digits with their prefix to the current nine-day digit Social Security number. You could have both stamped on your tag if you wanted; but, from this point on, the Social Security number was the main identifying number.”

Additionally, tags worn by the Marine Corps had a variety of additions including the size of their gas mask. A number of religions were added and full names were spelled out as well.

Current dog tags still utilize a two-tag system, with one on a long a chain around the neck and one interlinked by a smaller chain. The point of this method is to have one that remains around the neck and another for the toe for the coroner’s purposes.

Though the dog tag has remained largely unchanged since the Vietnam War, the Army is currently developing and testing several new dog tags known by various names including the soldier data tag, individually carried record, meditag, and the personal information carrier.

The new dog tags will contain microchip or USB technology, which will hold a soldier’s medical and dental records, reported The New York Times.

Sarah Sicard is a staff writer with Task & Purpose. Follow Sarah Sicard on Twitter @smsicard

From: taskandpurpose.com

Thursday, January 26, 2017

Soldiers’ Dreams with Jonathan White

By Ashley Whitehead Luskey, 1-18-17

Over the course of this year, we’ll be interviewing some of the speakers from the upcoming 2017 CWI conference about their talks. Today we are speaking with Dr. Jonathan White, Associate Professor of American Studies and the Senior Fellow at the Center for American Studies at Christopher University.  His research interests focus on the U.S. Constitution, the American Civil War, and treason in American history.  He has authored, co-authored, and co-edited numerous books and articles for both scholarly journals and popular magazines.  His most recent works include "Emancipation, the Union Army, and the Reelection of Abraham Lincoln" (LSU Press, 2014, winner of the 2015 Abraham Lincoln Book Prize, and finalist for both the 2014 Jefferson Davis Prize and the 2015 Gilder Lehrman Lincoln Prize); “Our Little Monitor”: The Greatest Invention of the Civil War (co-authored with Anna Gibson Holloway, forthcoming, 2017); and "Midnight in America: Darkness, Sleep and Dreams during the Civil War" (forthcoming, 2017).  He is currently at work on a new book project entitled "Abraham Lincoln and the Slave Trade".

CWI:  What did dreams mean to Civil War-era Americans?  What did their dreams reveal about their experiences during the war?

WHITE:  Many Americans who lived through the Civil War were captivated by their dream lives.  They recorded them in letters and diaries.  Some even recalled them years later in memoirs and regimental histories.  They wrote them down, I think, because they recognized that their dreams revealed something about who they were and how they experienced this tumultuous period.  Some believed that their dreams were signs from God.  For that reason they could find comfort in them–even when they were dreams that portended death or other harm.

CWI:  How did dreams either help or haunt Americans during the Civil War? How did dreaming change, or remain the same, in the immediate wake of the war?

WHITE: Soldiers in both armies found comfort in their dreams.  We tend to assume that most soldiers suffered from traumatizing nightmares during the war.  To be sure, many had such dreams–and they wrote plenty about them.  But most soldiers’ dreams appear to have been pleasant.  They became an escape from the harsh realities of soldier-life, and a respite from heavy marching and fighting.  One of the most interesting things I found is that in the immediate wake of the war some soldiers found comfort in their dreams of war—reliving moments they had experienced on the battlefield—not in fearful ways, but with a sense of longing to return to their comrades.

CWI:  What are some of the major similarities or differences between Union and Confederate “dreamers” and the ways in which dreams were interpreted or viewed in the North and the South?

WHITE:  ‪Northern and Southern soldiers tended to have similar dreams.  Most often they dreamt of home, of loved ones, and of things that were familiar to them (like food).  These dreams helped encourage them during periods of long separation.  In a very real way, soldiers’ dreams of home were like visitations with loved ones, reminding men of what and who they were fighting for.

‪Northern and Southern women, by contrast, had very different types of dreams.  Of course, wives in both sections had terrible nightmares of their husbands being killed in battle.  But Northern and Southern women’s dreams were different in one fundamental way.  Southern civilians often dreamt of Yankee invasions, while Northern women often dreamt themselves going to battle.  Both could be terrifying in their own way, but each reflected the different experiences of civilians in the different sections.

Image 1: Currier & Ives,“The Soldier’s Dream of Home,” 1862, in Harper’s Weekly. Image courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Image 2: “The Soldier’s Dream,” in Harper’s Weekly, November 7, 1863. Image courtesy of the Library of Congress.

From: gettysburgcompiler.com

Tuesday, December 20, 2016

Civil War Diary of Sergeant Henry W. Tisdale: Company I Thirty-Fifth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry 1862-1865

Typed & Bound in 1926 for Frederick C. Tisdale (Henry's son) by Margaret H. Tisdale (Frederick's wife)
Introduction By Roscoe H. Tisdale (Henry's son)
     
My brother Fred’s wife, Margaret, typed this diary from the pen transcripts made by Sergeant Henry W. Tisdale. They were given to me in his will. He turned them over to me the day before he died, with the request that I should not open them until after he had passed on. Father always kept them among his private papers and no one was allowed to see them. As I consider them to be a priceless family possession and of especial interest to his children, I have had four copies made, and I am giving one copy to each of my brothers, Charles and Fred, and one to my sister Edith, on this Christmas Day 1926. I feel that the possession and reading of these pages will give us a more intimate understanding of father’s character, and make his memory nearer and dearer to us all.

                  PREFACE              
 HENRY  W. TISDALE

By

Mark F. Farrell/ Great-grandson
HenryWTisdale@MSN.COM
        Henry W. Tisdale was born on March 9, 1837 in Walpole, Massachusetts, the eldest of seven children. He was raised in both Walpole and West Dedham, Massachusetts, which at present is the town of Westwood, Massachusetts. On July 10, 1862 at age twenty-five, Henry enlisted in Company I, Thirty-fifth Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, and was given the rank of sergeant. Henry 's name appears first on the company roster. Henry was employed as a clerk at Benjamin Boyden's trading business at the time of his enlistment and wrote many letters during the war to Mr. Boyden and to Henry's sisters, Abbie, Nellie (Penelope), and  Carrie (Caroline) Tisdale.

        The regiment trained at Camp Stanton in Lynnfield, Massachusetts.  On September 14, 1862 Henry was wounded in the thigh at Fox's Gap during the Battle of South Mountain in Maryland. Henry recovered and rejoined his regiment on February 4, 1863, when it traveled to Kentucky and East Tennessee. During 1863 Henry participated in the Vicksburg and Jackson, Mississippi campaigns. On July 13th, while near Jackson, Henry was giving instructions to a sergeant of the 7TH Rhode Island, when a minie ball passed through the sergeant and killed him. It then struck Henry's rifle sparing his life. Later in 1863 the regiment returned to Kentucky and East Tennesse and fought at Campbell's Station. During 1864, the regiment took part in Grant's Overland Campaign in Virginia. On May 24th Henry was captured following the Battle of North Anna River. He was held at several Rebel prisons, including Libby Prison in Richmond, Andersonville Prison in Georgia (from June 7th through October 5th), Camp Millen in Georgia, Camp Davidson in Savanah, Georgia, and the Florence Stockade in South Carolina. While at Andersonville Henry served as the sergeant of the 3rd mess of Detachment # 76 and was responsible for 90 fellow prisoners. His duties included obtaining rations, roll call, and taking the sick to the hospital. While a prisoner of war Henry was recommended for the Medal of Honor by Col. Carruth and Gen. Parke. However, there is not any record of a disposition in the matter. Henry was exchanged on March 3,1865 and discharged on June 13th after three years of war. Corporal Benjamin F. Pratt, 3rd, of Company H, a messmate took ill during captivity and died in 1866 after returning to South Weymouth, MA.  

         On June 3, 1868 Henry married Abbie  Frances Cheney and they had seven children and were living at 23 Glenwood Avenue, Boston. Circa 1880 the family moved to 124 Eustis Street in Roxbury, MA and later moved to 92 Winthrop Street, Boston.  Henry opened a grocery store and market located at 1800 and 2219 Washington  Street. Henry was a deeply religious man and never spoke of his Civil War exploits. Henry died on May 31, 1922 at age eighty-five and was buried in Highland Cemetery in Norwood, MA.

          The family has made seven hardbound typed copies by Margaret H. Tisdale and later a dozen loose photocopies of the " Civil War Diary and Letters of Sergeant Henry W.Tisdale", were made by this writer. The three volume original diary is preserved in the Rare Books Department of the Boston Public Library. The fourth volume," Rebel Prison Pens," was returned to Henry's daughter, Ella, and is lost. However, the library did make a photocopy of it. The diary has not been published, except for a few excerpts for the book, Tribute. Mr.Robert Cormier's AP students at Shrewsbury High School transferred the diary to a digitized computer disc as a class project. Although, this project was done without the knowledge of his descendants it has allowed for this digitized copy of the diary at this website, for which we are very greatful to Mr. Cormier, who was this writer's high school US History teacher. The Civil War Diary and Letters of Sergeant Henry W. Tisdale, 1862-1865, was registered with and issued a copyright from the Library of Congress to this writer in 2001.      

         Henry's youngest son, Frederick, was this writer's maternal grandfather. Henry's Model 1861 Springfield Rifle hangs above the family fireplace in West Alton, NH. Henry's other Civil War equipment was given to the Dedham Historical Society along with one hardbound typed copy of the diary.  

EXCERPT 1862
December 12th.
Attended prayer meeting in evening in tent of Surgeon Smith, who took charge of the meeting.  These meetings are held now every Sunday and Thursday evenings are very interesting.  Felt too formal in mind and heart.  Received a kindly letter from Cousin Julia.  Surgeon Smith leaves the camp tomorrow.  Shall miss him much as he is the only officer here who has or shows any interest in religious meetings.  Wrote to D. Guild, in answer to a kindly one from him.

December 13th.
Felt inactive in mind today.  Have thought much of the coming Sabbath tomorrow and endeavored to so improve the closing hours of the day as to awake in a goodly frame on the morrow.

December 14th.
Sabbath.  Felt much today my need of more tenderness of heart towards the impenitent, so that I may hunger to do them good.  Attended prayer meeting in Doctor Smith’s tent in afternoon.  He has this tent arranged with temporary seats making quite a goodly chapel.  To prayer meeting in 19th CT camp in evening.  Must be more earnest in prayer for faith and love.

December 15th.
Unwell today.  Feel it to be the result of eating too much food in proportion to the labor I perform.

December 16th.
Felt better today and think that cutting short the full gratification of my appetite had helped me to feel more alive in mind and body.  Wrote letter to sister Nellie.  Severe wind and rain came this morning.  Through carelessness lost my memorandum book yesterday.  Regret its loss though it contained but little of value.

December 17th.
Wrote a short letter to sister, Abbie.  Received some papers and Congregationalists from Benjamin Boyden.

December 18th.
Wrote long letter to Abbie, upon political and military matters, the camp here and some of own experiences of soldier life.  Find that where the heart is right in love to God and man, one can do good and get good even amid much that is to appearance entirely subversive of Christian principle and life.  Find much that is uncongenial in the conduct of many of the soldiers here, but still find with watchfulness over my temper and heart can get on peacefully with all or nearly so and get if not do some good.  Some of the men who have served under General McClellan are very bitter against the President for removing him, yet the majority have that confidence in the integrity of the President that they feel it is doubtless for wise and sufficient reasons that the change is made.  Have had to keep pretty quiet the past three days, my wound having become inflamed again.  Begin to think I shall have to be removed to better quarters if I would hope to get well to where I can have proper warmth and food.  Reports are about that the camp is about to be removed to its new quarters are long.

December 19th.
Received a letter from Abbie. informing me of cousin Ansel’s having received this discharge and return home and of brother, Ronnie’s success thus far in learning his trade.  Very glad to learn he likes and is getting on well.

December 20th.
 A bitter cold day.  Lay wrapped up in my blanket nearly all day.  Towards night as the surgeon came round, spoke to him of the need of my being transferred to better quarters in order to hope to get well.  He granted my request and removed me or allowed me to remove to one of the hospital tents but little better than the one I left.  Had been in my new quarters but a short time when orders came for our removal to the hospital in the city.  A most welcome order and we were soon in ambulances in route. By nine in the evening I was once more in a good hospital where I was given a warm bath some clean hospital clothes put on and soon snugly to bed in a ventilated and heated room.  Was placed in the Methodist Church Hospital so called because the building was formerly a church but the congregation being “secesh” the government confiscated the use of their house of worship.  Was joyful thus to bid goodbye to “Camp Misery.”  Nearly all of the sick have now been transferred from thence to good hospitals in this city and Washington.  One of my tent mates was sent to Washington, Edward Otto, a Prussian.  He had a very bad leg, having got hurt by a fall from a horse, he belonged to the 1st N Y Cavalry.  Was obliged in walking to drag his toes upon the ground.  Had been laid by some four months and had tried in vain for discharge.  He had come to this country to avoid being drafted into the army at home and on breaking out of the war enlisted as a “saddler” that being his trade.  Hope the whole of the convalescent camp will be broken up, as it is nothing but a disgrace to the government in its present management.

December 24th.
Have been now four days in my new quarters.  The change is very pleasant.  My wound is already improving under proper dressing and the good accommodations generally.  My heart is not as to me.  Have misspent much time the past four days in useless reading.  Must overcome this habit of reading trashy literature if I would have true ideas of life and earnestness and stability of character.  Need to cultivate more energy and decision in my daily life.  Have noticed a lack of self-possession in my intercourse which feel is but a consequence result of the want of the above qualities of character.

December 28th.
Last Sabbath of the year.  I do not realize it so.  Indeed feel my heart is cold to true spirited life.  Am feeling more end more each day my need of God’s quickening grace in my heart.  Feel that my little wasting of time my little sins I often commit are perhaps the occasion of God’s hiding His face from me.  Yet ought to feel too that it is not by any words of my own that I can merit His grace still also must realize that while I love sin cannot hope for His mercy or grace.  Must therefore yield the whole service and love of my heart not as hoping for reward for my so doing but as my rightful service, and what devout gratitude for God’s goodness call upon me to bestow.  Had a fine Christmas dinner provided for us by the ladies of Washington and Alexandria.  The hospital is full to overflowing with wounded from Fredericksburg, VA.  Sorry to learn by the papers of the death of our Major Sidney Willard, formerly captain of our company, killed at Fredericksburg. I fear more men of our company and regiment have been laid bye in the fight.  Had services in the hospital today.  Have a good Chaplain connected with it.  Received letter from brother, Herbert.

December 31st.
The past three days have been very pleasant.  Took walk to the new convalescent camp on the 29th.  Enjoyed the tramp very much.  From appearance should judge they were making a first class camp, building good barracks, etc.  On my return came around by Fort Scott, which overlooks the cities of Washington and Alexandria, the Potomac River and the surrounding country affording a delightful view, with the Capitol and many of the government buildings being in full view.  Received six letters the past two days and have been busy in answering them.  Feel I have much cause for thankfulness and gratitude to God for His many memories and blessings given me for the year now closing.  Too little have I felt His goodness to me, sparing my life and giving me such good health and cheerfulness, His goodness too in sparing the lives of us brothers and sisters and in giving us in the main such good health and prosperity.  May I commence the year with deeper love and consecration to Him, and a more earnest striving to grow into the image of His son in my life and conduct.  Need deeper and truer views of life, of its object and ends, and to feel that only is a true life, which is spent in seeking the glory of God. And as a consequence of this, my own highest development, physical, mental, and spiritual and the good of my fellow men is realized.

From: civilwardiary.net

Sunday, August 14, 2016

Life of the Civil War Soldier in Camp: Disease, Hunger, Death & Boredom

By Gary Helm, 2013

Only a tiny fraction of any soldier’s time was spent in front line combat. Instead, the vast majority of his existence revolved around the monotonous routines of camp life, which presented its own set of struggles and hardships.

Once in the ranks, military life turned out to be far different than what the majority of Civil War soldiers had expected.  Patriotic zeal blinded most of these volunteers to the realities and hardships they were signing up to experience. The passage of several generations had muted the country’s memory of the deprivations of the American Revolution.  Few had participated in the war with Mexico, which left a popular legacy of glorious victory.  Certainly, argued the conventional wisdom, this sectional crisis would be resolved in a few short, painless months.

Volunteers viewed the battlefield as a great stage upon which they would either “secure their liberty” or “save the Union.” While they acknowledged that losses would occur, no one envisioned their potential demise in any but heroic circumstances, but four years of the daily struggle to survive in military camps would prove otherwise. Twice as many Civil War soldiers succumbed to death from disease as from bullets, shells and bayonets. By varying estimates, between 400,000 and 500,000 soldiers lost their lives on this less gallant of stages. What was the basis of this noncombat struggle, and how did the common soldier cope?

During the fair-weather campaign season, soldiers could expect to be engaged in battle one day out of 30. Their remaining days were filled with almost interminable drilling, punctuated with spells of entertainment in the form of music, cards and other forms of gambling. The arrival of newspapers or mail from home — whether letters or a care package — in camp was always cause for celebration. Despite such diversions, much time was still left for exposure to the noncombatant foes of poor shelter, unhealthy food, and a lack of hygiene, resulting in waves of sickness and disease.

After the first months of the war, the shelter half, or “dog tent,” became the most practical means of overnight shelter. While portable and lightweight, shelter halves provided minimal protection for their two inhabitants. Sgt. Austin C. Stearns of the 13th Massachusetts described his shelter as “simply a piece of cloth about six feet square with a row of buttons and button holes on three sides; two men pitched together by buttoning their pieces together and getting two sticks with a crotch at one end and one to go across at the top and then placing their cloth over it and pinning it down tight.”   To protect the soldier from the damp ground, a tarred or rubberized blanket could be used. A stout wool blanket kept the chill off. Unfortunately, many soldiers discarded these heavy items on a long march or when entering combat, and lived (or died) to regret it when the weather changed. As the war moved forward, an exhausted soldier often merely lay on his blanket at night in an effort to simplify his life and maximize periods of rest.  Such protracted exposure to the elements boded ill for his life expectancy.

Rations on the march varied from plentiful to scarce. On paper, the Union army enjoyed the best rations of any army in history up to that time, but logistical difficulties inherent in feeding armies of tens of thousands resulted in occasional shortages. The Confederacy, while fighting on predominately “home turf,” often found it difficult to consistently deliver full rations to its troops on the march, largely due to procurement and transportation problems.

Grease was poured onto cornmeal to make a "skillygalle." The full Union marching ration consisted of one pound of hard bread (the infamous hardtack), three-quarters of a pound of salted pork or one-and-a-quarter pound of fresh meat, along with coffee, sugar and salt allotments. At the beginning of the war, the Confederacy adopted the Union ration, but reduced it by 1862.  Fresh meat and coffee became increasingly scarce. As fresh fruits and vegetables disappeared from military diets, soldiers’ immune systems deteriorated and vitamin deficiency diseases such as scurvy proliferated.  The Union army responded by issuing desiccated vegetables. As described by Corp. Joseph Van Nest of the 101st Ohio, these delicacies consisted of “a combination of corn husks, tomato skins, carrots and other kinds of vegetables too numerous to mention.” This bounty had been dried and compressed into a sheet or block and, when boiled, expanded to many times its previous size. While denigrated as “desecrated vegetables” by the boys in blue, they consumed them with alacrity as a variation in an otherwise bland diet. Unfortunately, unbeknownst to the culinary science of the era, most of the needed vitamins disappeared during processing.

Confederate soldiers usually had to forage for fresh vegetables. During the deprivations of the 1864 Atlanta Campaign, one Johnny Reb wrote, “Our men get a vegetable diet by cooking up polk, potato tops, May pop vines, kurlip weed, lambs quarter, thistle and a hundred kind of weeds I always thought poison. I thought it trash…but the boys call it ‘long forage’…”  On the march, “foraging” — a convenient euphemism for theft — would be employed by both sides in an attempt to improve the daily diet. Despite orders to the contrary, some Confederates liberally practiced this thievery during their forays into the North and even when marching and camping in friendly territory.

The commissary took a back seat on the march to the needs of the ordinance department, but still trumped the quartermaster, whose top priority was to provide forage for draft animals, not replacing uniform components. Threadbare patriots consequently appeared, particularly in the Confederate armies, and the “battlefield requisition” became a prime means of supply for the South. As Sgt. John Worsham noted at the end of the war:

“Nearly all equipment in the Army of Northern Virginia were articles captured from the Yankees…. Most of the blankets were those marked ‘US,” and also the rubber blankets or cloths. The very clothing that the men wore was mostly captured, for we were allowed to wear their pants, underclothing and overcoats. As for myself, I purchased only one hat, one pair of shoes, and one jacket after 1861.”

Soldiers North and South also shared in the infestation of body lice in their clothing and bedding. Due to constant outdoor living, often under poor sanitary conditions, the “grey back vermin” became a visible manifestation of all of the invisible bacteria and germs whose presence was unknown to mid-19th-century science.

The seasonal movement to permanent winter camps would simultaneously improve and harm the physical condition of the Civil War soldier. While the men remained in one place, the supply chain of wagons and railroads caught up to their daily needs. Union logisticians employed their superior resources in overcoming commissary and quartermaster problems, but the Confederates also managed to supply their men in winter camp under more challenging conditions.

Periodic shortages did exist, but were vividly remembered by the Southerners.  Both sides shared the difficulties that emerged from remaining in one place for an extended period of time. The majority of soldiers, being from rural backgrounds, had not been exposed to such a wide cross section of the human population and its communicable diseases. When accumulated in camps of tens of thousands, soldiers without natural immunities would succumb to the likes of measles and chickenpox. Those same large numbers, residing in one spot for more than a month, caused horrendous situations in relation to sanitation. The use of "sink pits" as latrine mechanisms ultimately led to the presence of human fecal bacteria in the water supply. That water supply, in many instances, did not need much help in the area of contamination. Swift running, clear water would be the exception more often than the rule. These conditions created the greatest killer of the war: amoebic and bacterial dysentery.

In some cases, women accompanied the army to do their laundry. Whimsically called a case of the “quickstep,” dysentery did more damage than the infernal killing creations of man. The creation of penicillin and other antibiotics was still decades away, leaving medical staffs of the Civil War few tools to combat the war’s greatest killer. By the end of the war, the Union Sanitary and Christian Commissions made great strides in improving camp hygiene and clean water. The Confederacy had nothing on such a scale, although experience also improved camp conditions for the boys in gray.

After four long years of war, the military encampments had taken their toll. Although the 2:1 rate of death from disease over combat may seem alarming to us today, it represented a significant improvement from earlier conflicts, like the American Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, when that number was closer to 5:1. Not until World War II did the number of battle casualties approach the losses from disease.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
This "Life of the Civil War Soldier" series was contributed by Pamplin Historical Park and The National Museum of the Civil War Soldier in Virginia. The park uses hands-on activities and narrative-based programs to draw students into the thoughts and emotions of the time, as well as the stark tangible aspects of everyday soldier life.

From: civilwar.org

Image: Brandy Station, Va. Note the barrels used to collect rain water (Library of Congress)

Sunday, July 10, 2016

Life In A Civil War Army Camp

From: civilwarhome.com

       "If there is any place on God's fair earth where wickedness 'stalketh abroad in daylight' it is in the army," wrote a Confederate soldier in a letter to his family back home. Indeed, life in the army camps of the Civil War was fraught with boredom, mischief, fear, disease, and death.

        Army regulations called for the camps to be laid out in a fixed grid pattern, with officers' quarters at the front end of each street and enlisted men's quarters aligned to the rear. The camp was set up roughly along the lines the unit would draw up in a line of battle and each company displayed its colors on the outside of its tents. Regulations also defined where the mess tents, medical cabins, and baggage trains should be located. Often, however, lack of time or a particularly hilly or narrow terrain made it impossible to meet army regulations. The campgrounds themselves were often abysmal, especially in the South where wet weather produced thick mud for extended periods in the spring and summer; in the winter and fall, the mud turned to dust.

        In summer, troops slept in canvas tents. At the beginning of the war, both sides used the Sibley tent, named for its inventor, Henry H. Sibley, who later became a Confederate brigadier general. A large cone of canvas, 18 feet in diameter, 12 feet tall, and supported by a center pole, the tent had a circular opening at the top for ventilation, and a cone-shaped stove for heat. Although designed to fit a dozen men comfortably, army regulations assigned about 20 men to each tent, leading to cramped, uncomfortable quarters. When ventilation flaps were closed on cold or rainy days, the air inside the tent became fetid with the odors of men who had scarce access to clean water in which to bathe.

        As the war dragged on, the Sibley was replaced with smaller tents. The Federal armies favored the wedge tent, a six-foot length of canvas draped over a horizontal ridgepole and staked to the ground at the sides with flaps that closed. off one end. When canvas became scarce in the South, many Confederates were forced to rig open-air beds by heaping straw or leaves between two logs. In autumn and winter, those units that were able to find wood built crude huts, laying split logs on the earth floor and fashioning bunks with mattresses of pine needles.

        When not in battle, which was at least three quarters of the time, the average soldier's day began at 5 A.M. in the summer and 6 A.M. in the winter, when he was awakened by reveille. After the first sergeant took the roll call, the men ate breakfast then prepared for their first of as many as five drill sessions during the day. Here the men would learn how to shoot their weapons and perform various maneuvers. Drill sessions lasted approximately two hours each and, for most men, were exceptional exercises in tedium. One soldier described his days in the army like this: "The first thing in the morning is drill. Then drill, then drill again. Then drill, drill, a little more drill. Then drill, and lastly drill."

        In the few intervals between drill, soldiers cleaned the camp, built roads, dug trenches for latrines, and gathered wood for cooking and heating. Finding clean water was a constant goal: the lack of potable water was a problem that led to widespread disease in both armies. At the outset of the war, the soldiers on both sides were relatively well-fed: the mandated daily ration for a Federal soldier in 1861 included at least 20 ounces of fresh or salt beef, or 12 ounces of salt pork; more than a pound of flour, and a vegetable, usually beans. Coffee, salt, vinegar, and sugar were provided as well. Supplies became limited when armies were moving fast and supply trains could not reach them in the field.

        When in the field, soldiers saw little beef and few vegetables; they subsisted for the most part on salt pork, dried beans, corn bread, and hardtack-a flour-and-water biscuit often infested with maggots and weevils after storage. Outbreaks of scurvy were common due to a frequent lack of fresh fruits and vegetables.

        By far, the most important staple in the minds of the soldiers was coffee. Men pounded the beans between rocks or crushed them with the butts of their rifles to obtain grounds with which to brew the strong drink. Although most Federals were well-supplied with coffee, the Confederates were often forced to make do with substitutes made from peanuts, potatoes, peas, and chicory.

        Most armies were forced at some point to live off the land. The Confederates, who fought mostly on home ground, tried harder to curb pillaging, preferring to request donations from townspeople rather than steal supplies or take them by force. Attached to most armies was the sutler, a purveyor of all goods not issued by the army, including tobacco, candy, tinned meats, shoelaces, patent medicines, fried pies, and newspapers. Sutlers were known for their steep prices and shoddy goods, but soldiers desperate for cigarettes, sweets, and news from home were willing to use their pay for these treats.

        Boredom stalked both armies almost as often as did hunger. When not faced with the sheer terror of battle, the days in camp tended to drag endlessly. The sheer tedium of camp life led the men to find recreational outlets. "There is some of the onerest men here that I ever saw," wrote a new recruit, "and the most swearing and card playing and fitin [fighting] and drunkenness that I ever saw at any place."

        When not drilling or standing guard, the troops read, wrote letters to their loved ones, and played any game they could devise, including baseball, cards, boxing matches, and cockfights. One competition involved racing lice or cockroaches across a strip of canvas. As hard as most commanders attempted to control vice in camp, both gambling and drinking were rampant, especially after payday. Confederate General Braxton Bragg concurred: "We have lost more valuable lives at the hands of whiskey sellers than by the balls of our enemies."

        Army regulations prohibited the purchase of alcohol by enlisted men, and soldiers who violated the rule were punished, but men on both sides found ways around it. Members of a Mississippi company got a half a gallon of whisky past the camp guards by concealing it in a hollowed-out watermelon; they then buried the melon beneath the floor of their tent and drank from it with a long straw. If they could not buy liquor, they made it. One Union recipe called for "bark juice, tar-water, turpentine, brown sugar, lamp oil, and alcohol."

        When not drinking or gambling, some men escaped the tedium of daily army life by enjoying "horizontal refreshments," as visiting prostitutes became known. Thousands of prostitutes thronged the cities in the war zones and clustered about the camps. By 1862, for instance, Washington, D.C., had 450 bordellos and at least 7,500 full-time prostitutes; Richmond, as the center of prostitution in the Confederacy, had about an equal number. Venereal disease among soldiers was prevalent and largely uncontrolled. About eight percent of the soldiers in the Union army were treated for venereal disease during the war and a great many cases were unreported; figures for the Confederacy are unavailable, but assumed to be about equal in proportion. With the invention of penicillin more than 70 years away, treating venereal disease with herbs and minerals such as pokeweed, elderberries, mercury, and zinc sulfate may have eased symptoms but did nothing to cure the disease.

        Even more pervasive than boredom, gambling, or venereal disease was homesickness. Men spent more time writing letters and hoping to receive them than any other leisure activity. Furloughs were rarely granted, and most soldiers had few opportunities to spend extended periods of time away from the army. Federal troops were often stationed too far from home to have time to get home, while Southern armies, short of manpower, needed every available soldier to fight. For better or worse, Civil War soldiers were forced to call camp home for the duration of their terms of service.

Source: The Civil War Society's "Encyclopedia of the Civil War"

Wednesday, June 29, 2016

The Physical Examination

By J.P. Rogers, 2-16-13

One of the last major events to take place at the Camp of Instruction at Jamaica was the physical examinations of the soldiers of the Eighth Connecticut.  Oliver writes to Abbie that “the men are not troubled with clothes while undergoing this examination.”[i] Civil War Surgeons faced a daunting challenge when attempting to weed out those recruits not fully medically fit for duty with the limited nature of the physical examinations in relation to modern physical examination standards. One former soldier, writing after the war, described the process:

The next step was a medical examination to determine physical fitness for service. Each town had its physician for this work. The candidate for admission into the army must first divest himself of all clothing, and his soundness or unsoundness was then decided by causing him to jump, bend over, kick, receive sundry thumps in the chest and back, and such other laying-on of hands as was thought necessary. The teeth had also to be examined, and the eyesight tested, after which, if the candidate passed, he received a certificate to that effect.[ii]

This old soldier’s memory notwithstanding, during the early part of the war filling the ranks of the regiments was more important than the medical readiness of the recruits and physicians often turned a blind eye to many disqualifying conditions. Induction physical examinations used the pass rate as a measure of success ensuring that recruits with all their limbs, good teeth (for tearing rifle cartridges) and adequate sight/hearing would be retained for service. As one regimental surgeon put it, “Many of [the soldiers] ought never to have come out, having broken constitutions or bodily defects which entirely disqualify them for the life of a soldier.”[iii] In fact, some of the examinations were so superficial that women were able to enlist pretending to be men.

The purpose of these examinations for the Connecticut troops was unclear coming some five weeks after the organization and activation of the regiment. It may have been related to the fact that in August of 1861 the Army began to make an attempt to weed out many of the volunteers who were not physically qualified by requiring additional and more methodical examinations. This included follow up exams for those regiments already in service. Oliver’s emphasis on “this” when referring to the examination seems to indicate that a previous examination had occurred at some point in the past likely during the recruiting of the companies of the regiment. However, it is clear from his letter that the earlier examination did not include disrobing when standing before the physician. Also, the commander and/or the regimental surgeon may have had concerns about the physical condition of some of the soldiers. Whatever the situation driving the requirement for the new physical scrutiny of Oliver and his comrades, at least five soldiers from the Eighth Connecticut were discharged for being found to be physically unfit within a few days of this examination as indicated by the company rolls.

Some officers left on account of ill health ; a few were dismissed;”others,” wrote an officer, “strong men physically, found themselves entirely unfitted for the profession of arms, and bore the mortification of resigning that others might take their places.[iv]

In the case of Private Case’s physical examination, he expressed a great deal of concern about the possibility of being dismissed from the regiment due to the lingering signs of some previous illness that he does not specify. He wrote to his sister, Abbie, that the doctor “questioned me pretty close about that breaking out on my shoulders – there is hardly anything left but the scars.” Obviously, Abbie was familiar with this illness because Oliver wrote that “if he had seen it two months ago [which places it prior to his enlistment while he was still living at home in Simsbury] I would have gotten thrown overboard…”[v] It’s unclear from the information that Oliver provides in his surviving letters the exact cause of the “breaking out” on Oliver’s shoulders. Based on the common aliments of the time, several possibilities exist including something as simple as dermatitis or a more complex condition such as a past bout of chicken pox which would explain the presence of scarring during the exam.

Whatever the condition, the crisis of possible discharge was quickly overcome by Oliver explaining to the examining physician that the scars were “nothing but a little breaking out and had not been there a great while.”[vi] This obviously satisfied the doctor and Oliver was allowed to continue his service in the 8th CVI. In a tragic irony, this would be the first of several recorded instances of Oliver experiencing a close encounter with potential discharge from service.

Image: The excitement of the recruiting station often obscured the need for a thorough physical examination.

From: olivercromwellcase.wordpress.com

Sunday, March 13, 2016

Advice to Civil War Soldiers - 1862

From: victoriana.com

A correspondent writes to The Middlebury Register, to give to inexperienced American Civil War soldiers some hints for the preservation of health, from what he has learned in the field.  After warning the new recruit that the enthusiasm of the first week will soon tone down to stanch realities, which he must meet and face as a man — that he cannot live as carelessly about his health as he can at home, where warm rooms and comfortable beds and well-cooked meals are at his service from day today, and that he must act the physician for himself, to a great degree, and be watchful against any predisposition to disease, he proceeds to give some special directions as follows:

They consist of a program of articles to be taken by the recruit when he goes into camp, or to be sent to him by his friends, when he shall have reached a point where he can be addressed.

Let him have with him two pairs of well-knit socks, two firm woolen shirts, a large crash towel, a piece of Castile soap, to be used as often as possible in bathing the entire body; a woolen cap, sometimes called a smoking cap; two large old-fashioned silk pocket-handkerchiefs, which may be used to hang from the neck, as a protection against a blazing sun, or as a veil to cover the face when sleeping out nights, amid miasmas and creeping vermin, or as a bandage for wounds. He should also have constantly with him a supply of Cayenne pepper, such as is obtained from the drug-stores under the name of “capsicum.”

The benefits arising from the use of this latter article [Cayenne pepper] are incalculable. A single pinch in a glass of flat warmish water will nullify the effects and the uncomfortable sensation from having drunk too much water during the day; will help the sentinel keep awake at his post at night, by warming and invigorating the whole system. A good pinch eaten at each meal, or when a cup of tea or coffee is drunk, will aid digestion, assist in prevent­ing acidity of stomach, and is besides a great antagonist of the diarrhea, dysentery, flux, and "looseness," which are the great scourges of the army. A level teaspoonful of capsicum, taken daily in eating or drinking, or both, or two fingers full taken two or three times a day, will do more toward warding off the fever and ague than ten times the cost in rum and quinine. There should always be carried in the knapsack also a largo piece of gutta percha cloth, to spread upon the ground at night for the soldier to spread his blanket on when he goes to bed. To these suggestions may be added the injunctions to eat, as far as possible, regularly, to shun sutlers' tents, with their detestable pies and cakes, and their poisonous preserved meats, as one would shun a contact with the leprosy; to maintain, in short, a perfect system of living, just as far as duty in camp will allow.

If my friend who may read this, and who is going soon to buckle on his armor for the cause of his country, will treasure the hints I have thrown out, and act upon them, he will add a hundred per cent to the probabilities of his returning to his father's house, that knew such keen anguish and bitter mourning when he was called to leave it. Once more, my soldier friend, before you leave your home, supply yourself with envelops and writing paper, and with a good substantial lead pencil; upon the envelops have postage stamps placed, and have them directed in a strong, plain hand to the address of those you will want to write to when far away — your father, your loving and ever watchful mother, or your sister.

And then, when you stop anywhere, for a day or such a matter, write something home, if it is not more than six lines, and tell your anxious friends how you are. And to your parents too and relations of the soldiers, I must say, write often to him. Write long letters. Give all the news you can think of. Let every line be full of love, of kind, affectionate interest and encouragement, and you cannot tell how much sunshine you will put into his heart, and how much better soldier and man he will be­come for your thoughtfulness of him. I speak of all these things “whereof I have seen.”

Wednesday, February 24, 2016

Who Was the Common Soldier of America’s Civil War?

From: historynet.com

How Many Fought
About 2.75 million soldiers fought in the Civil War — 2 million for the North and 750,000 for the South.

The Average Soldier
According to historian Bell I. Wiley, who pioneered the study of the Civil War common soldier, the average Yank or Reb was a ‘white, native-born, farmer, protestant, single, between 18 and 29.’ He stood about 5 feet 8 inches tall and weighed about 143 pounds. Most soldiers were between the ages of 18 and 39 with an average age just under 26.

Making a Living
The majority of soldiers North and South had been farmers before the war. Union rosters contained references to more than 300 different careers, including accountant, surveyor, locksmith, teacher, carpenter, shoemaker, black- smith, painter, mason, teamster, and mechanic. Southerners who had not farmed included carpenters, mechanics, merchants, machinists, lawyers, teachers, blacksmiths, and dentists.

Rifle, Carbine, or Cannon?
In the Union army, 80 percent of the men were in the infantry, 14 percent in the cavalry, and 6 percent in artillery. In the Confederate army, 75 percent of the men served in the infantry, 20 percent in the cavalry, and 5 percent in artillery.

The Odds Against Them
Of every 1,000 Feder-als, 112 were wounded; 150 of every 1,000 Confederates were hit. A Yankee stood a 1 in 8 chance of dying due to illness and a 1 in 18 chance of dying in battle. A Rebel faced a 1 in 5 chance of succumbing to disease and a 1 in 8 chance of dying in combat.

Taps
Over 360,000 died in service to the North, 110,000+ in battle and 250,000+ of other causes, primarily disease. The South lost over 260,000 men, 95,000+ in battle and 165,000+ to other causes, primarily disease. Some recent estimates claim the totals were actually higher.

Prisoners of War
Roughly 211,000 Union soldiers were captured; 17,000 were paroled in the field; 30,000, or about 15.5% of those sent to prisoner of war camps, died there. Over 426,000 Confederates were captured, of which some 248,000 were paroled in the field; imprisoned in the North, and 26,000, or 12% of those sent to POW camps, died in captivity.

Why They Fought
Men on both sides were inspired to fight by patriotism, state pride, the chance for adventure, steady pay. Union soldiers fought to preserve the Union; the common Confederate fought to defend his home. Later in the war, increasing numbers of Federal soldiers fought to abolish slavery, if for no other reason than to end the war quickly. Confederate soldiers sometimes fought because they feared Union victory would result in a society where black people were placed on an even footing with whites.

Army Melting Pots
The large majority of Civil War soldiers were native born. Nonetheless, large numbers of stout-hearted newcomers to the country also volunteered to fight–especially in the North. Nearly one quarter of the Union’s soldiers were immigrants, including 200,000 Germans; 150,000 Irish; 45,000 English; 15,000 Canadians, and lesser numbers of French, Norwegians, Italians, Mexicans, and Poles. Exact figures for the South are sketchy, but tens of thousands of Irish, Germans, British, French, Canadians, Dutch, and Austrians entered Confederate ranks.

Black Troops
By war’s end, African-American soldiers made up roughly 10 percent of the Union army. Approximately 179,000 black soldiers wore the blue; 37,000 lost their lives. In March 1865, the Confederate congress authorized the army to recruit 300,000 black troops. Some units were raised, but it was too late for them to make a difference.

Soothing the Savage Breast
Johnny Reb and Billy Yank loved to sing–on the march, in camp, and sometimes even in battle. The men in blue favored ‘Battle Cry of Freedom,’ ‘Red White and Blue,’ ‘The Star Spangled Banner,’ and others. The men in gray cherished ‘Dixie,’ ‘Bonnie Blue Flag,’ ‘Yellow Rose of Texas,’ and other songs. Both sides were moved by the heartbreaking tune ‘Home Sweet Home.’

Mess Time
‘What breakfast could possibly compare with this,’ Union Lieutenant Theodore Ayrault Dodge wrote in his journal in 1862—’hard crackers, boiled beef (2 days in the haversack) and bologna sausage (ditto).’ Officially, the daily Union ration consisted of 22 ounces of bread and either 12 ounces of pork or a pound of salted beef. Confederates were supposed to be supplied (but seldom were) with 12 ounces of bacon or 20 ounces of beef (usually salted) along with 18 ounces of flour or 20 ounces of corn meal or hard bread. Vegetables such as beans and peas often proved hard to come by, especially for the Rebs. Usually, Yankees banked on hardtack and coffee, while their counterparts tried to get by on corn bread and coffee. Men on both sides got what they could from sutlers or foraging. Coffee and tobacco were common cravings.

The Wages of War
Soldiers on each side initially earned $11 per month. In June 1864, the Confederacy raised each soldier’s pay to $18 per month, a sum worth less and less as the Confederate dollar dropped in value. That same month the Union upgraded its soldiers’ monthly wage to $16. Black soldiers were initially paid just $10 per month–minus the $3 clothing allowance that white troops received. After June 1864, black soldiers who had been free men before the war were paid the same as whites, but recently freed slaves who joined the army’s ranks did not get the raise.

Passing the Time
Soldiers had to deal with much boredom. To fill the hours, Yanks and Rebels wrote letter after letter to family, friends, and sweethearts. In spite of the warnings of officers, bouts of drinking and especially gambling broke out. Soldiers played checkers, chess, and baseball, whittled and carved, and if they were feeling particularly creative, would even put on plays. Tennessean Sam Watkins described one winter diversion: ‘Brigades and divisions were soon involved, and such a scene was never before seen on earth. Many thousands of men were engaged in a snow ball battle.’ Both sides read whatever they could get their hands on: Yankees favored Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, Harper’s Weekly, American Review, and The Atlantic. Confederates read Southern Illustrated News, Southern Literary Messenger, and Field and Fireside. Both sides loved dime novels and the Bible.

Dirt and Disease
Whenever armies remained settled in camp, sanitary conditions worsened. For starters, until later in the war, latrines were often built upwind or even upstream from camps. Accumulation over time created an unpleasant and unhealthy environment. Eventually, refuse from cooking and slaughtered animals began to cover the ground, and the local water source often became fouled. Disease spread rapidly.

Religion
Both armies claimed to be fighting with God’s blessing, and religion played a big part in the lives of many soldiers. ‘Sometimes, a few of the fellows would gather in prayer, while the rest of us fought the guns,’ wrote Confederate soldier William M. Dame. ‘Several times…we met under fire…we held that prayer hour every day, at sunset, during the entire campaign.’ While the slaughter and grief of war drove some men from their faith, religious revivals swept through both armies, claiming thousands of converts. Most of the men were Christian, though 7,000 Jews fought for the Union and 3,000 for the South. 600 Jewish soldiers died in the war.

This article was written by Eric Either and originally appeared in the December 2003 issue of Civil War Times. Some data has been edited due to new research since the original article was published.

Union Soldiers
Total numbers of the Union armies are estimated to be between 1.5 million and 2.4 million. The bulk of these men were volunteers, though estimates say that 5 to 6 percent were conscripts. Read more about Union Soldiers.

Confederate Soldiers
Estimates of the total number of confederate soldiers is difficult, and range between 750,000 to 1 million soldiers fought during the Civil War. Learn more about Confederate Soldiers.


Sunday, January 24, 2016

The Imponderable ‘What-Ifs’: Did the Medical Issues of Three Confederate Generals Cause the South to Lose the War?

By Kevin R. Loughlin, MD, MBA

During the darkest days of World War II, Winston Churchill was credited as saying, “The imponderable ‘what- ifs’ accumulate”. Throughout history, imponderable what ifs have provoked the observer to consider how historical outcomes may have turned out differently. Such it is with the Civil War. It can be reasonably argued that the deaths of Albert Sidney Johnston and Stonewall Jackson and the illness of Robert E. Lee at Gettysburg irrevocably altered the course of the conflict and significantly contributed to the ultimate outcome.

At the outset of the Civil War both the North and South had strategic plans. The estimable Winfield Scott proposed the “Anaconda Plan” for the North, which would start by blockading the seacoast, then drive down the Mississippi to weaken the Confederacy to the west, and conclude with an attack through the heart of the Confederacy.

The South also had plans. Jefferson Davis favored a defensive strategy. He postulated  that a war of attrition would frustrate the better equipped Union and ultimately result in an armistice with the South and subsequent secession. An alternative Confederate strategy proposed by P.G.T. Beauregard was to attack in the western theatre and to control the river routes, first the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers and, if successful, then the Mississippi. On the eastern front, they would aim to capture Washington D.C. for both strategic and psychological proposes and then move northward into Maryland and Pennsylvania.

Albert Sidney Johnston graduated from West Point in 1826. He gained his early experience in the Texas War of Independence and the Mexican-American war. At the start of the Civil War, he was considered among the most gifted of the young generals, and Jefferson Davis placed him in charge of the Western Campaign.

Before, the battles of Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, Johnston had urged that the forts be fortified and additional  troops be assigned to their defense. However, his pleas were ignored, and Grant captured both forts in February of 1862 which delivered control of the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers to the Union. The control of these rivers emboldened the Union to move forward toward Shiloh to complete the larger goal of dominance of the western theatre.

The armies led by Johnston and Grant collided at Shiloh, Tennessee on April 6, 1862. In retrospect, this battle, more than either New Orleans or Vicksburg,  ultimately guaranteed Union control of the western theatre and the Mississippi.

Albert Sidney Johnston had repeatedly demonstrated personal valor during battle. His valor was at its zenith at Shiloh. Like many Confederate generals, he personally led the attack. On the first day of battle at the salient, Johnston was hit below the knee, probably by friendly fire, which severed his popliteal artery. At first he did not recognize the gravity of the wound, perhaps because of nerve damage that he had suffered to the same region during a duel in 1937. However, the severity of the wound quickly became clear as the blood filled his boot. The consequences of the loss of a leader like Johnston did not go unrecognized. His death was a strong blow to the Confederacy. Jefferson Davis believed that the loss of Johnston “was the turning point of our fate”. Davis would further state “Without doing injustice to the living, it may safely be asserted that our loss is irreparable; and that among the shinning host of the great and good who now cluster around the banner of our country, there exists no purer spirit, no more heroic soul, than that of the illustrious man whose death I join you in lamenting.” One can only speculate that if Johnston had survived, the South would have prevailed in the western theatre which would have caused the Union to wage war on two fronts. Such an obligation would have compromised their presence in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylavania.

Throughout American military history, few figures have attained the stature of Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson. He was born in 1824 in what is now West Virginia. He was poorly prepared academically for West Point and struggled at first, but demonstrating the resolve, hard work and determination that would be the signature of his military career, he graduated 17th out of 59 students in the class of 1846. Two of his classmates were George Pickett and George MCClellan.

Jackson served in the Mexican War and taught at the Virginia Military Institute. In 1861, when the Civil War broke out, he was put in command of several Virginia Infantry regiments by the governor of Virginia. He distinguished himself in the Battle of First Manassas where he received his nickname. This occurred when General Bernard Bee, in the midst of encouraging his men to fight on, pointed at Jackson and shouted, “Look, men, there is Jackson standing like a stone wall!” He would later be a major force at Second Manassas, Antietam, and Fredericksburg, during which he led the Second Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia under Robert E. Lee. Jackson was known for his audacity and tactical judgment in battle.

He next saw action at Chancellorsville on May 2, 1863. While returning to camp  from personal reconnaissance of  the Yankee front line, he was shot by friendly fire, twice in the left arm and once in the right hand. Members of the 18th Northern Carolina Regiment mistakenly took him for an advance party of the enemy and opened fire. As the shots occurred at dusk, he did not receive immediate medical attention and reportedly was accidentally dropped from  his stretcher twice. His left arm was seriously damaged and the next day was amputated by Hunter Holmes McGuire. Jackson lingered and died eight days later, on May 10, 1863. It has been speculated that he died of either pneumonia or pulmonary embolus, and the scenario and time frame would fit with either diagnosis, although sepsis has also been considered. Lee was devastated when informed of Jackson’s death and said, “I’m bleeding at my heart”.  Lee considered the loss of Jackson so significant that he restructured his high command. Before his death Jackson commanded the 2nd Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia and Longstreet commanded the First. However, after Stonewall’s death, Lee split the 2nd Corps in two. The original 2nd Corps was to be led by Richard S. Ewell, also known as “Old Bald Head”, and the  3rd Corps was led by Ambrose P. Hill. Longstreet remained leader of the First Corps. Neither Ewell or Hill had the battlefield boldness or judgment of Jackson, and their shortcomings contributed to the outcome at Gettysburg.

Robert E. Lee occupies a secure position in the pantheon of great modern military leaders. Historians concur that his military genius was evident throughout the war, except at Gettysburg. It has long been a point of historical interest, as to what was the cause of Lee’s apparent aberration as a strategist and tactician at Gettysburg, following so closely on the heels of his brilliant campaigns at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. Yes, there were factors that contributed to the defeat there other than Lee’s generalship. Certainly, the absence of his trusted cavalryman Jeb Stuart until late on July 2, 1863 was a critical element that deprived Lee of essential reconnaissance.

Lee was in apparent good health until March 1863 while when camped near the Rappahannock River, he developed sharp chest pain with radiation to his arms. His physicians diagnosed an “inflammation of the heart sac” and confined him to bed. Given the state of medical knowledge at the time, no other treatment was initiated and he apparently recovered. However, several historians have posited that heart disease, which was the cause of Lee’s death in 1870, played an important role in his performance at Gettysburg. Angina and pericarditis have both been proposed as contributing elements to what has been considered Lee’s poor strategy, particularly on July 2nd. Why was Pickett’s charge not initiated on July 2nd to reinforce Barksdale’s charge, which appeared to be heading to break through the Union lines, rather than waiting to give Pickett the order for the ill-fated offensive on July 3rd?  This question has never been adequately answered. Lee’s apparent strategic indecisiveness on the battlefield in Pennsylvania has never been satisfactorily explained, but clearly it was the seminal event that began the South’s demise.            

What if Johnston had not been killed at Shiloh? What if he had survived and helped carry out Beauregard’s proposal to attack the Union’s center in Ohio in late 1862? What  if he had been available to Lee at Gettysburg? What if Stonewall Jackson had lived to lead the 2nd Corps at Gettysburg and to support Barksdale’s change on July 2, 1863 or Pickett’s on July 3rd? What if Lee had not been distracted at Gettysburg by chest pain? What if the Confederates had prevailed at Gettysburg? What if a defeat at Gettysburg compelled the North to call an armistice and leave Southern secession in place? The answer to these questions remain unanswered. History’s only reply is silence. The imponderable ‘what- ifs’ indeed accumulate.

KEVIN R. LOUGHLIN, MD, MBA is a urologic surgeon at Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston and a professor of surgery at Harvard Medical School. He completed his undergraduate education at Princeton University and received his MD from New York Medical College.He also holds an MBA from Boston University and an MA(Hon) from Harvard. He is a trustee of the American Board of Urology and is a member of the board of directors of the American Urological Association and the American Association of Clinical Urologists. He is an omnivorous reader and particularly enjoys military history. He enjoys running, biking, and playing with his dogs, Finn and Lizzie.

Image: Winfield Scott's "Anaconda Plan," 1861. J.B. Elliott. Library of Congress

From: hektoeninternational.org

Sunday, January 10, 2016

"I am sorry to tell that some of our brave boys has got killed"

Letter: M.W. Parris to Jane Parris, July 3, 1862.

July the 3 1862 peters burg, va dear wife I one time mor take my pen in hand to let you now that I am well at this time hoping thes lines may find you well and doing well the last leter I received was dated June the 7 it give mee great Sattis faction to hear from you that you was well though I am sorry to tel that Som of our brave boys has got kild and Severl wounded in the great battle at richmond which Commenct last wensday and is Still fiting yet we have not got a correct information of all the file neither Can I tel all ded and wonded but I will [deleted] tel what I have larnd a bout it giled long and John B. queen was Seen fall in the first of the fite that is all that we now of though thar was a great many missing [Eith ?] kild of or lost now I will give the names of what was wonded Joseph moody got to fingers shot off William Cogdal wonded in the neck leander hall in the lage harris hooper in the thy or lage [deleted] Samuel Parker Slitly wonded in the finger though hot his Sholder out of place and from what he Ses a bout the redgment it is but all up parker left them yesterday morning and ses that the redgment looks a bout as big as as four or five Companys our Cournel got five or six holes Shot threw his Cote and one Cut his face major frances badly wonded in the Sholder w william beard badly wonded threw the hips
Capt Coalman his head shot off with a ball that is all I have heard of the 16 redgment our men has whipt them evry fite and has drove them Severl miles and has taken a Site of prisners with som six Jennerls and has kild Scors of them I under Stand that all of our men is bured but the is laying in piles and not bered a tall I think that we will the victry but dearly bought Severl of our men got ther gun Shot in too in thier hands the the boys has lost ther blankets in the fite tha have bin gon a about eight days frm Camp I Cant tel when tha will Com back and one of our men did in the hospitel da befor yesterday david wilson and severl is in the hospitel yet A W parris is with the rest in the fite I hant heard any thing a bout him parker did not now hoo all was mising this is all I Can find out a bout the fite I was left to gard Camp James is not well he has bin punity Severl weaks I hant any thing Elce to write at this time mor then I want to See you verry bad but I Cant tel when I will be blest with that blesing it wont be long tel my time will be out a gin but I Cant tel whether I will gt git to Com or not I hant heard any thing sed a bout that times is two hot her now I am a frade for mee to git off I will rite a gin in a few days so nothing mor may the lord bles you and thake Care of you is my prays and has bin ever sence I left you
M W Parris to Jane Parris

From: learnnc.org

Life in Camp

(Walter Waightstill Lenoir to Selina Louisa Avery Lenoir, March 2, 1862, in the Lenoir Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.)

Camp Lee, S. C., Mch. 2d 1862

Dear Mother,
As I write so many letters home to let you all hear from me and brother Tom, I will commence by telling you something about myself and him. I continue in very fine health, with my digestion improved, and hardly ever deranged now, even by my hearty meals which are always somewhat in excess. But I enjoy Uriah’s coarse corn bread & wheat bread & fried midling & rice & potatoes, so much so that it is hard to stop when I have eat enough. We have been out of coffee for some time, but are doing very well without it, & have all become so fond of Yeopon tea that we will continue to use it, although we have now got a new supply of coffee, at 75 cts per lb. I find the Yeopon so palatable & apparently wholesome that I would be glad to know that you had sent for a supply to Wilmington or Newberne. I have advised Mr Norwood by all means to order a bushel. I do not know that I am fattening any, but I am increasing in weight by the development of the muscles of my arms and legs, which are growing perceptibly larger & harder. All this fine progress which I am making as to my health, by becoming a soldier & adopting the life of the camps may of course be upset at any time by an attack of fever, if I escape safely from the other dangers of war. I am not, however, entirely negligent of my health. With the exception of eating too much, I am, I think, reasonably prudent in regulating my diet. I have my hair now trimmed quite short, without having caught cold by its loss, and I wash myself every morning to my waist carefully with cold water, including the whole of my head in the ablution; and then rub myself dry with a towel. And I wash my whole person at least once a week. I change my shirt, drawers, and socks but once a week, as soldiers can’t afford to be fastidious about their wardrobe. I don’t wear the cotton shirts that I brought, the [unclear] ones being quite sufficient to keep me warm in this mild climate, and I have very seldom worn my great heavy overcoat, but my other clothing has not become oppressively warm, as I can leave off the coat or waistcoat or both in the warmest weather. My heavy jeans will soon, however, I suppose, be quite unsuitable for the climate here. I will try, though, if we still remain here to supply myself if necessary with something lighter. I am more cheerful and light hearted here than I could possibly be at home during the continuance of the war, and on the whole may be said to enjoy myself amazingly, all things considered. The worst of it is I am getting gray much too fast.…
Your affectionate son
Walter

Image: This photograph of an encampment at Cumberland Landing, Virginia, was taken from a hill above the camp

From: learnnc.org

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