Civil War Hospital Ship

The U.S.S. Red Rover, a captured Confederate vessel, was refitted as a hospital ship.

Evolution of Civil War Nursing

The evolution of the nursing profession in America was accelerated by the Civil War.

The Practice of Surgery

Amputations were the most common surgery performed during the Civil War.

Army Medical Museum and Library

Surgeon-General William Hammond established The Army Medical Museum in 1862. It was the first federal medical research facility.

Civil War Amputation Kit

Many Civil War surgical instruments had handles of bone, wood or ivory. They were never sterilized.

Sunday, January 24, 2016

Eleanor C. "Mother" Ransom

From: findagrave.com

Birth: Dec. 18, 1815
London
Madison County
Ohio, USA
Death: Mar. 16, 1909
Los Angeles
Los Angeles County
California, USA

Civil War Nurse - Nicknamed "Mother" due to her loving care and being old enough to be the age of most of the wounded boys' mothers, Ransom was a nurse during the Civil War. Her first assignment was in a Union hospital in Tennessee and then to New Orleans were she went aboard the Government Transport Ship NORTH AMERICA to nurse wounded and sick Union soldiers during their trek back to the North by sea. The ship sank in heavy seas during a storm of the Florida coast on December 22, 1864. Of the 203 Union enlisted soldiers, mostly from Illinois and New York regiments, 194 were lost in the sinking. Ransom witnessed many of her beloved patients drown during the sinking. Ransom was placed in a lifeboat and while it was nearly swamped by the waves of the storm, she was able to make it to the ship LIBBY and rescued. She was sent to a hospital in New York City to recover from her ordeal. While there, she received visits from relatives and friends of the soldiers who were lost on the NORTH AMERICA who beseeched her to tell them if she knew of their lost loved one and/or about the storm and sinking; something she never refused to do as she felt she should try and ease the families sorrow as best she could. On July 25, 1866, a grateful Congress authorized a payment of $400 to Ransom for her wartime services aboard the NORTH AMERICA.

Ransom's parents were both Georgians by birth. She was born in Indiana (some researchers say it was in London, Madison County, Ohio). She married Stillman Ransom of Vermont on 1/19/1837 in Ripley County, Indiana.

The 1850 US Census shows the family living in Franklin Township, Ripley County, Indiana. Her husband is shown to be a farmer and Ransom is recorded as having been born in Maryland. The following family members are recorded as living in the home:
Stillman Ransom M 39 Vermont
Eleanor C Ransom F 35 Maryland
Nancy Jane Ransom F 12 Indiana
Sarah A Ransom F 10 Indiana

Her daughter Nancy Jane "Jennie" Ransom would marry twice (Walter Horace Dennison and then Civil War veteran Charles Henry Haskins). She died in Los Angeles, California, on 1/16/1881 and was buried in the Evergreen Cemetery.

In the 1900 US Census Ransom is shown to be a widow and one of many boarders in the home of a Jennie Bowlsby. Most of the boarders are young women with babies. Her obituary tells of Ransom's support for such a home and it is believed by this author that Ransom was being a "mother" and nurse to the girls at the home as well as a monetary benefactor.

Ransom was a member of the Women's Relief Corps and is mentioned in histories of that society as having been an Army nurse. Her obituary which accompanies this memorial, reported her philanthropic activities in the Los Angeles area.

Mother Ransom died at age 95. (Bio by Rick Lawrence, MSgt., USMC/USAFR (RET)


Family links:
 Children:
  Jennie Ransom Haskins (1837 - 1884)*

*Calculated relationship

Inscription:
U.S. Army Nurse

Burial:
Evergreen Cemetery
Los Angeles
Los Angeles County
California, USA
Plot: Section D

Maintained by: Rick Lawrence
Originally Created by: TLS
Record added: Aug 07, 2011
Find A Grave Memorial# 74595993

Memoir Offers Gruesome Glimpse at Civil War Surgery

By Berry Craig, September 2015

Gen. Ewell's story a reminder of how far O&P care has come.
When Confederate surgeons amputated Maj. Gen. Richard S. Ewell’s bullet-shattered left leg, they were anxious to prove to his young, soon-to-be stepson that the operation was life-saving.

“Dr. [William A.] Robertson of La. opened the leg along the track of the ball, in order to show me they were justified in taking it off – a Dr. Launer of Ala. having objected to it – but it had been plainly a necessity,” recalled Maj. Campbell Brown, 21, the general’s trusty staff officer.

Today, physicians do not generally invite relatives to watch them surgically sever a loved one’s limb. But Brown, whose wealthy widowed mother was Ewell’s first cousin, evidently went everywhere the general went, even to the operating table.

Ewell likely named Brown to his staff to curry favor with his mother, Lizinka Campbell Brown. Ewell was madly in love with her. Indeed, Richard and Lizinka ultimately married, a union that made Brown the general’s stepson.

Known for ‘bravery and generosity of spirit’
After the Civil War, Brown chronicled his experiences with Ewell in some of the bloodiest battles of America’s most lethal conflict. Terry L. Jones, PhD, a history professor at the University of Louisiana-Monroe, compiled and edited Brown’s reminiscences in a 2001 book, Campbell Brown’s Civil War: With Ewell and the Army of Northern Virginia. The volume offers a gruesome glimpse at an amputation that was typical of thousands of others in 1861-1865.

Richard’s beloved bride-to-be helped nurse him following the 1862 amputation. They were wed in 1863, though they parted when he returned to combat, fighting in the battles of Gettysburg, Pa.; The Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Va.; and Sayler’s Creek, Va.

Lizinka and “Baldy” Ewell made an odd couple, and not just because they were kissing cousins. “He was the reigning eccentric of the Army of Northern Virginia, and his men, who knew at first hand his bravery and generosity of spirit, loved him all the more for it,” wrote Larry Tagg in The Generals of Gettysburg.

Tagg said the general spoke in a “shrill, twittering lisp” and was given to “muttering odd remarks in the middle of normal conversation, such as ‘Now why do you suppose President Davis made me a major general anyway?’”

In addition, Ewell was prone to cursing “spectacularly, blisteringly” and “was so nervous and fidgety he could not sleep in a normal position, and spent nights curled around a camp stool,” according to Tagg. “He had convinced himself that he had some mysterious internal ‘disease,’ and so subsisted almost entirely on frumenty, a dish of hulled wheat boiled in milk and sweetened with sugar. A ‘compound of anomalies’ was how one friend summed him up.”

In any event, Ewell, a Washington, D.C.-born West Point graduate and Mexican-American War veteran, joined the Confederate army soon after the Civil War began in 1861.

A Proven Survivor
He had survived several battles by the time he lost his leg, and nearly his life, in fierce fighting at Groveton, Va., also known as the battle of Brawner’s Farm.

Fought on Aug. 28, 1862, the battle was a prelude to the Second Battle of Bull Run. Like the 1861 Battle of First Bull Run, Second Bull Run and Groveton were Confederate victories.

Ewell, as usual, was in the thick of the fighting, which began in late afternoon. Determined to discover the source of some worrisome Union gunfire, he dismounted from his horse and knelt on his right knee to peer through some scrubby pine trees.

A minié ball smashed his left kneecap. The bullet “pierced the joint [and] followed the leg down for some inches,” Brown wrote. “When the leg was opened, we found the kneecap split half in two — the head of the tibia knocked into several pieces.”

The slug “had followed the marrow of the bone for 6 inches breaking the bone itself into small splinters [and] finally [the ball] had split into two pieces on a sharp edge of bone,” Campbell wrote.

Ewell’s injury was typical of musket wounds in the Civil War. Bullets, round, or cone-shaped minié balls, were large — typically .54, .58 and .69 caliber – and made of soft lead. Not only did such projectiles tear gaping holes in flesh, they often splintered when they struck bones.

In any event, the battle continued past sunset, with the Union troops finally retreating.

Image: Maj. Gen. Richard S. Ewell underwent a painful amputation in the midst of a battle after being shot in the knee. Image: Library of Congress.

From: healio.com

Northern Volunteer Nurses of America’s Civil War

by Alice P. Stein

They came from the paneled drawing rooms of the nation’s great mansions, the log lean-tos of the far frontier and the chaste confines of Eastern convents. Lacking professional training but endlessly resourceful, the volunteer nurses of the Civil War labored tirelessly to bring aid and comfort to the sick and wounded soldiers on both sides of the fighting.

At the outbreak of the war, the nursing profession was in its infancy and dominated by men–women generally were considered too frail to cope with the rigors of administering to the sick. There were only about 150 hospitals in the entire country, and no formal nursing schools existed. The massive numbers of sick and wounded men who needed care during the Civil War exacerbated the lack of medical professionalization, and wartime hospital facilities, particularly early in the conflict, were primitive and disorganized. Military and societal protocol banned women from field hospitals, so most nursing duties continued to be assigned to men. Increasing numbers of casualties and the overburdening of aide facilities, however, soon broke down gender-related strictures on nursing and spurred the nation’s women into taking immediate and decisive action to help correct the situation.

Clara Barton, who later founded the American Red Cross, brought supplies and help to the battlefronts before formal relief organizations could take shape to administer such shipments. Acting entirely on her own, the Massachusetts-born Barton personally collected food, clothing and medical supplies for the hard-pressed Union Army after the Peninsula campaign in 1862. She later served in a similar capacity at other engagements.

Religious orders also responded to this new opportunity for service by sending their own trained nurses to staff field hospitals near the front. Within a few months of the war’s onset, some 600 women were serving as nurses in 12 hospitals. In all, eight Catho-lic orders sent nuns to serve in the war.

In April 1861, Dorothea Dix and a hastily assembled group of volunteer female nurses staged a march on Washington, demanding that the government recognize their desire to aid the Union’s wounded. Although not a nurse, Dix was nationally known as a crusader for enlightened care of the mentally ill, and her grandfather, Elijah Dix, had been a prominent Boston physician. Secretary of War Simon Cameron quickly named her to superintend the women nurses assigned to the U.S. Army. Cameron’s nominating citation read in part: ‘She will give at all times all necessary aid in organizing military hospitals for the care of all sick and wounded soldiers, aiding the chief surgeons by supplying nurses and substantial means for the comfort and relief of the suffering.’ Despite such responsibilities, however, neither she nor her nurses were granted military appointments.

By nature compassionate and giving, Dix was also a no-nonsense and often quirky leader. At first she required nursing applicants to be at least 30 years of age–old by the standards of the time–and ‘plain looking,’ wearing brown or black clothing with no ornaments, bows, curls, jewelry or hoops. She steadfastly denied admission to nuns or other representatives of religious sisterhoods. Despite these stringent requirements, some 2,000 women across the country laid aside their cherished jewels and laces to pass Dix’s austere muster.

As casualties mounted, Dix was forced to relax her standards, and after the First Battle of Bull Run in July 1861 she accepted anyone willing to work. Her nurses were paid 40 cents a day plus rations, housing and transportation, while male nurses received $20.50 a month plus superior benefits.

As the war dragged on, other women augmented the work of Dix’s corps and the volunteer nuns. Soldiers’ wives, residents of battlefront areas and representatives of newly formed organizations such as the U.S. Sanitary Commission all helped care for sick and wounded soldiers.

Dix operated from houses she personally rented in Washington, and she did not take off a single day during her four years of service. Her hospitality was always available to nurses and discharged servicemen who lacked shelter. Louisa May Alcott, who became ill with typhoid fever soon after entering her brief service as a nurse, gratefully recalled Dix’stealing a moment from her busy life to watch over the stranger of whom she was as thoughtfully tender as any mother.’

In her zeal to reduce suffering and death, Dix constantly prowled the hospitals. Her intolerance of hospital administrators and nurses who did not meet her exacting standards caused constant friction. Finally, in October 1863, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton transferred part of the responsibility for appointing nurses to the surgeon general and gave medical officers at each hospital jurisdiction over their own female nurses.

Dix was heartbroken but responded with a magnanimity that drew admiration from even her staunchest opponents. After she resigned at war’s end and her post was abolished, she continued to work doggedly for another 18 months, helping individual soldiers and their families deal with the stresses of recuperation. Throughout the rest of her life, Dix begged biographers to de-emphasize her Civil War years. But in 1983, long after she was dead and could not protest the well-deserved honor, she was featured on a U.S. postage stamp.

While Dix was gathering her forces in Washington, Mary Ann Bickerdyke was taking matters into her own equally dedicated hands in Galesburg, Ill. A 45-year-old juggernaut, Bickerdyke personified Dix’s ideal nurse. Before the war, she had received training in botanic and homeopathic medicine and had been engaged in private-duty nursing. Recently bereaved by the untimely death of both her husband and young daughter, she felt divinely called to spend her remaining life relieving human suffering.

On a Sunday in June 1861, Bickerdyke listened as her pastor, Edward Beecher, brother of Henry Ward Beecher and Harriet Beecher Stowe, told of the need for volunteer help in the military camps in nearby Cairo, Ill. When the congregation asked her to accompany a load of food, clothing and medical supplies to Cairo on behalf of the church, she was ready. Except for short visits, that was the last her two young sons saw of her until the end of the war.

When Bickerdyke saw the poor condition of the hospital in Cairo, she took a room in town and immediately began a determined cleanup effort that quickly spread to the other five military hospitals in the area. Although he granted her a grudging welcome at first, Dr. J.J. Woodward, a surgeon with the 22nd Illinois Infantry, later praised Bickerdyke as’strong as a man, muscles of iron, nerves of finest steel; sensitive, but self-reliant, kind and tender; seeking all for others, nothing for herself.’

Throughout the war, ‘Mother’ Bickerdyke moved from one trouble spot to another, acting on her belief that bodies healed best when they were bathed, placed in clean surroundings and fed well. She evinced a special concern for enlisted men and stopped at nothing to get supplies that would bring comfort to her ‘boys.’ She begged food from any viable source, raided government supplies–often without permission–and commandeered boxes of delicacies sent from home to healthy soldiers. Many times, when government rations were waylaid or ran out, she found a way to feed the troops. Her tireless zeal earned her the nickname ‘Cyclone in Calico.’

http://cdn.historynet.com/images/unsungsisters_1.jpg
Library of Congress
Although her strict nature earned her the unkind sobriquet ‘Dragon Dix’ from some, the rigid standards set by Dorothea Dix saved the lives of many men.
In the early period of her service, Bickerdyke held no authority other than semiofficial status granted occasionally by Union Army officers. Her manner, however, was so forthright and compelling that she was rarely questioned. When one surgeon dared to ask where she received permission to do what she was doing, Bickerdyke retorted she was given orders by ‘the Lord God Almighty. Have you anything that ranks higher than that?’ Later, she was named a Sanitary Commission agent.

In spite of her brusque and aggressive behavior, Bickerdyke gained the friendship of a few high-ranking officers, among them Generals Ulysses S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman. Toward the end of the war, when someone complained about Bickerdyke to Sherman, he commented that she was the only person around who outranked him, and he suggested the complainer refer the matter to President Abraham Lincoln.

On one occasion, when she was besieging Sherman at an inopportune moment, the oft-prickly general asked whether she had ever heard of insubordination. Bickerdyke responded in an equally testy manner: ‘You bet I’ve heard of it….It’s the only way I ever get anything done in this army.’

She demonstrated that point one day when troops passed one of her hospitals en route to battle at Corinth, Miss. When Bickerdyke invited the captain to halt his exhausted men so that she and her staff could feed them, he refused. As he led the men on, a deep voice cried, ‘Halt!’ The men slowed to a stop, confused. Their bewilderment was replaced with glee when a group of women led by Bickerdyke quickly served them soup and coffee and gave them bread, fruit and fresh water to take along on the march. By the time anyone realized Bickerdyke had given the spurious order to halt, all the men had been served and sent off with the only food they were to see for two days. A formal reprimand brought no firm promise of reform from the unrepentant Bickerdyke.

Major General John ‘Black Jack’ Logan also crossed paths with Bickerdyke, meeting her for the first time late one night after a battle. While lying in his tent, he observed a lone figure with a lamp crisscrossing the battlefield and sent an orderly to bring the person in for questioning. Bickerdyke explained that she could not rest until she was satisfied that no living man remained on the field. The story was picked up by the press and contributed to her folk-hero status. After that incident, Logan often confided in her, called on her to provide for his men, and ordered her to ride at his side at the Union’s gala victory parade in Washington after the Confederate surrender.

As matron of many temporary field hospitals, Mother Bickerdyke often crossed swords with surgeons and other staff members. In some cases, her complaints to superior officers brought disciplinary action; other situations she resolved in her own way. She reserved special vengeance for anyone she suspected of snitching supplies or delicacies she had set aside for the sick and wounded. Once, after repeated warnings to kitchen workers, she decided to set a trap. She cooked some peaches, secretly spiked them with a potent but harmless purgative, and left them to cool while she worked elsewhere. Soon, agonized cries from the kitchen attested that she finally had made her point.

Bickerdyke drafted anyone within reach of her voice to help with the endless labor. Healthy soldiers and camp visitors were either bribed with hot meals or badgered into service. When gentlemen from the Christian Commission came to restore wounded souls, she suggested that they would have a better chance of success if they began with wounded bodies.

Formerly active in the Underground Railroad, Bickerdyke respected blacks and often sought their help. Many contrabands cheerfully worked hard for her, and, in turn, she fought for their fair treatment and taught them skills they could use later in postwar America.

Bickerdyke was equally effective on her occasional speaking forays for the Sanitary Commission. One day toward the end of the war, she was telling the ladies of Henry Ward Beecher’s church in Brooklyn how she had bound the stumps of new amputees with old cloth bags when she had nothing better. Suddenly, she asked the startled women to rise, lift their dresses, and drop one of their many petticoats to the floor. The collected garments filled three trunks, and within a few weeks, Bickerdyke was using the petticoats to bandage the terrible sores of prisoners released from Andersonville in Georgia.

When the last Illinois man was discharged, Bickerdyke resigned from the Sanitary Commission to devote the rest of her life to her family and to charitable deeds. She died in 1901, and a sturdy freighter named for her carried on her work in the 20th century by ferrying Spam and sulfa drugs to American servicemen isolated on Pacific islands in World War II.

Another tireless champion of wounded enlisted men during the Civil War was Hannah Ropes. The daughter and sister of prominent Maine lawyers, she was over 50 when the war started. An experienced nurse, she had gained prewar recognition as a reformer and abolitionist and was acquainted with many New England political leaders. Like Dix and Bickerdyke, she believed every soldier deserved proper sanitation, good food and humanitarian treatment, and never hesitated to go to the top to obtain such creature comforts. Secretary of War Stanton personally took action against officers and stewards she found to be slovenly and incompetent.

In 1862 Ropes became the matron of the Union Hotel Hospital located in the Washington, D.C., neighborhood of Georgetown, where Louisa May Alcott also served. In her book Hospital Sketches, Alcott described Ropes’ actions as casualties arrived from the Battle of Fredericksburg: ‘The hall was full of these wrecks of humanity…and, in the midst of it all, the matron’s motherly face brought more comfort to many a poor soul, than the cordial draughts she administered, or the cheery words that welcomed all, making the hospital a home.’

In her own published diary and letters, Ropes spoke often of her particular regard for the enlisted man. In October 1862, she wrote, ‘The poor privates are my special children of the present,’ and described ‘the loss they have experienced in health, in spirits, in weakened faith in man, as well as shattered hope in themselves.’ Later, she wrote to her daughter, Alice, ‘I owe no man anything but love.’

In her final diary entry in December of that year, Ropes, writing in the third person, described the passing of one of these men: ”Thank you, madam….I must be marching on.’ So said Lewie as he passed away. Sitting on one side of him was his nurse, Miss Alcott, on the other side the matron [Ropes]….There was in the man such a calm consciousness of life, such repose in its secure strength….The matron is left alone when the breath ceases.’ A few weeks later, Ropes died of typhoid fever, the same disease that had shortened Alcott’s nursing service.

Sometimes caring for the war wounded became a family undertaking. In New York, Jane Newton Woolsey, widow of a prominent industrialist, quickly rallied her six daughters to the cause. Georgeanna (‘Georgy’), Eliza and Jane became nurses, while the others made supplies. The Woolsey home near the Brevoort House Hotel be-came a center for preparing supplies and distributing them to Union hospitals.

In 1861 Georgy Woolsey was among the first women to be accepted for nurse’s training and assigned to duty by Dorothea Dix. By September of that year, Georgy and Eliza were serving in a makeshift hospital in an unfinished government building. Georgy described how they used rough wood scaffolding for beds, with as many as six men in each one. The beds were so high that long broom handles had to be used to support them. Very sick men were given individual beds on piles of marble slabs originally intended for building construction. Until further work was done on the building, pulleys raised food and water to the ersatz hospital’s upper floors.

The three sisters served in numerous capacities, both in hospitals and on military hospital transport ships. Jane and Georgy were assistant superintendents of the U.S. Army hospital at Portsmouth Grove, R.I. The two also served at Hammond General Hospital. They were paid $12 a month and immediately returned the compensation to the surgeon-in-charge to purchase items for the patients. Eliza returned to private life when her husband, Colonel Joseph Howland, was wounded and mustered out of service.

Like Hannah Ropes, the three Woolsey women used their prominent social position to obtain prodigious amounts of supplies and other necessities for the wounded. At one point, Georgy personally delivered to the White House a letter she had written to President Lincoln, imploring him to send chaplains to the military hospitals. He promptly named seven new chaplains.

Georgy was noted for her cool demeanor, in times of emergency. Jane wrote of her: ‘There was never a critical case in the hospital on which Georgy’s intelligence was not brought to bear in some shape.’ Ever alert for ways to make patients more comfortable and their care more efficient, she kept her apron pockets filled with forks, spoons, corkscrews and other useful items. Both sisters carried notebooks in which they re-corded individual patient needs and wishes. Georgy carefully noted the names and addresses of the dying for later use in returning their possessions to their families.

Both Jane and Georgy Woolsey depicted wartime hospital life in sensitive and enduring writings. Jane’s book, Hospital Days, published in 1868, enjoyed wide readership. In it she quotes an unnamed officer’s view of the Civil War nurse: ‘She may be totally impervious to ideas of order; she may love ‘hugger-mugger’ and hand-to-mouth ways of getting at direct objects; she may hopelessly muddle the ward returns, and interchange sentiment with the most obnoxious of the stewards, but she will cheerfully sacrifice time, ease, and health to the wants or whims of a wounded man.’

After the war, Georgy Woolsey assisted in establishing the Connecticut Training School for Nurses in New Haven. She also wrote a nursing handbook that was only the second of its kind to be published in the United States. Jane and another sister, Abby, played pioneer roles in developing enlightened methods of nursing in civilian hospitals.

Among the church leaders who answered the humanitarian call during the war, none responded with more fervor or professional gifts than Mother Angela (Eliza Maria Gillespie), founder of the Sisters of the Holy Cross. The daughter of a respected Pennsylvania attorney and landowner, she numbered General Sherman, a senator, and an assortment of other leaders among her relatives. When war broke out, she was the director of St. Mary’s Academy at Notre Dame University.

Early in the conflict, when General Grant sent a plea for nurses to Indiana Governor Oliver P. Morton, Mother Angela left immediately with a group of sisters. Grant later described her to Sherman as ‘a woman of rare charm of manner, unusual ability, and exceptional executive talents.’

The sisters were first sent to Paducah, Ky., where the surgeons initially received them coolly. The doctors, however, soon came to appreciate both the useful services the women were performing and the military precision with which Mother Angela organized them.

The demoralizing hospital diet of rancid pork and stale bread was quickly replaced by rice, eggs, milk and chicken that Mother Angela procured and prepared herself. At one point, she had 60 nuns helping her care for 1,400 men at Mound City, which was regarded as the best military hospital in the country at the time.

Mother Angela employed her family connections and social skills to obtain supplies where even high-ranking military officers failed. William H. Osborn, president of the Illinois Central Railroad, gave her food, wine and free passes for wounded men who were being sent home. Asked by Secretary of War Cameron to take charge of a hospital at Cairo, she charmed representatives of various commissions and aid societies into backing her efforts. On one occasion, she entertained a weary visitor with tea brewed on her single, makeshift burner and served in a tin cup. Upon returning home, he sent her a six-burner stove and other supplies on the next train.

True to her faith, Mother Angela served Union and Confederate soldiers with equal devotion. Once, a seriously wounded Confederate officer was brought to Mound City. When word got around, an angry mob stormed the hospital, determined to drag the officer out and execute him. But Mother Angela stood over his bed and refused to leave until the Confederate had been guaranteed safe passage home. In September 1862, Mother Angela returned to St. Mary’s Academy, assured that the soldiers’ needs would be met from other sources.

Harriet Tubman was best known among the many blacks who rendered distinguished service as Civil War nurses. Famed for her courageous exploits with the Underground Railroad, she was admired by many leaders of the time, including Secretary of State William Seward and New England poet Ralph Waldo Emerson.

Early in the war, Massachusetts Governor John A. Andrew asked Tubman to help nurse in the military camps. She moved from one camp to another throughout the war, using her nursing skills and extensive knowledge of the healing properties of roots and herbs. Tubman rarely accepted the military rations that were offered to her, preferring to support herself by making baked goods and selling them in the camps. She gave any extra money to the freedmen who often sought refuge in the camps. Late in life, she was awarded a military pension, and when she died in 1913, she was given a military funeral.

A record of Civil War nursing from the black viewpoint was left by Susie King Taylor in her Reminiscences of My Life in Camp. Taylor was born a slave on the Isle of Wight near Savannah, Ga. In adolescence she learned to read and write at a clandestine school run by a free black woman. Marrying Edward King, she followed him when he joined the Union Army’s first black regiment, the 1st South Carolina Volunteers. In camp she nursed the wounded, did laundry, cooked and taught the men literacy skills.

Taylor became a protege of Clara Barton, who often took her along on hospital rounds. Taylor admired Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson, of the 1st South Carolina Volunteers, whom she described as ‘kind and devoted to his men’ and ‘a genial presence.’ In her book she also recalled Colonel C.T. Trowbridge. ‘He was the very first officer to take charge of black soldiers,’ she wrote. ‘We thought there was no one like him, for he was a ‘man’ among his soldiers….I shall never forget his friendship and kindness toward me….No officer in the army was ever more beloved.’

Taylor’s book is filled with details of camp hospital life. She recalled making custard of milk and turtle eggs for the wounded in a camp on Morris Island, and she described warming her tent at night with an iron frying pan full of coals from the cook shed. She noted that fleas often kept her awake all night.

Taylor served for four years and three months in Union Army hospitals without receiving either pay or a formal appointment. After the war, she was granted no government pension or recognition for her nursing services. Still, she wrote, ‘I was glad…to go with the regiment, to care for the sick and afflicted comrades.’

Taylor summed up the attitude of volunteer Civil War nurses of both races when she observed: ‘It seems strange how our aversion to seeing suffering is overcome in war,–how we are able to see the most sickening sights, such as men with their limbs blown off and mangled by the deadly shells, without a shudder, and instead of turning away, how we hurry to assist in alleviating their pain, bind up their wounds, and press the cool water to their parched lips, with feelings only of sympathy and pity.’

The nurses of the Civil War left a heritage far beyond a country’s gratitude for bodies salvaged and spirits renewed. Observing the difference they had made, both the public and the medical community finally came to recognize nursing as a legitimate profession. Women such as the Woolseys and Clara Barton translated their experience in Civil War hospitals into reforms in both nursing science and the education of nurses. As Jane Woolsey noted in Hospital Days, ‘It has been a tiresome march, but think of the results.’

Image: U.S.A.M.H.I., Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, Photo by Jim Enos. A nurse prepares to spoon-feed soldiers in this photograph taken inside a Union hospital. Women also likely donated the coverlets warming the men.

This article was written by Alice P. Stein and originally appeared in the September 1999 issue of America’s Civil War.

From: history.net

Book Review: With Courage and Delicacy: Civil War on the Peninsula: Women and the U.S. Sanitary Commission (By Nancy Scripture Garrison)

By William J. Miller

The women of the U.S. Sanitary Commission risked their own health to care for sick and wounded Union soldiers.

In June 1862, a mere half-morning’s ride from the Confederate capital of Richmond, Virginia, Union Major General George B. McClellan, commanding the largest standing army in America, was content to dawdle. As the lazy summer days passed (36 of them, to be exact), McClellan kept his troops waiting amid the fetid swamps and muddy marshes of the Chickahominy River. His army was always busy, if far from mobile. His engineers, fatigue parties and quartermasters had scarcely a night’s rest. Yet no one in the Union army worked as quickly or effectively as the Chickahominy itself, whose mosquitoes spread malaria and whose malignant waters bore diseases to thousands of McClellan’s bogged-down men. The magnificent Army of the Potomac grew progressively weaker.

McClellan was typical of the military leaders of the period, who focused their energies on building and wielding large bodies of men while largely taking for granted the health and well-being of those same men. Few officers knew or cared anything about military medicine, and they met with derision any efforts by civilians to improve the health of the individual soldiers. One New York clergyman who traveled to Washington to offer the services of an organized and well-funded group of volunteers was summarily rebuffed. “The War Department,” wrote the Reverend Henry Whitney Bellows, “regarded us as weak enthusiasts representing well-meaning but silly women.”

In such an atmosphere of pervasive ignorance and contempt was born the U.S. Sanitary Commission, one of the great medical success stories in American history–and a sadly neglected band of Civil War heroes and heroines. The commission had its roots in the volunteer nursing operation run by Florence Nightingale during the Crimean War. In Europe, as in America, military medicine was a poor relative to military science, and soldiers died of disease and neglect by the tens of thousands. Nightingale, however, had enough success to encourage American emulators. One of the first was Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell, who organized the Women’s Central Association of Relief in New York. The group attracted patriotic women from the highest levels of Northern society. Included on the roster were the Woolsey sisters, Georgeanna and Eliza–whose uncle was the president of Yale University–and Katherine Prescott Wormeley, daughter of an admiral in the British Navy, who had grown up in Rhode Island. Together with Unitarian minister Bellows, the women formed the core of the Women’s Central Association of Relief, which quickly grew into the U.S. Sanitary Commission.

The important and pioneering work of the Sanitary Commission is the subject of Nancy Scripture Garrison’s book With Courage and Delicacy: Civil War on the Peninsula: Women and the U.S. Sanitary Commission (Savas Publishing Co., Mason City, Iowa, 1999, $24.95). The commission served throughout the war, ministering to the needs of the various Federal armies. It raised millions of dollars in private donations and distributed the bounty to the troops in the form of bandages, medicine, fruits, vegetables, socks, blankets and scores of the other things necessary to promote or restore health. Volunteer nurses, male and female, worked tirelessly in hospitals a few miles from the front.

With Courage and Delicacy is not simply a narrative history of the Sanitary Commission’s work on the Virginia Peninsula, but a wide-ranging–and often confusing–attempt to describe the commission members’ experiences while also decoding those experiences, particularly as they related to the female members’ growing self-awareness and self-actualization. The women, writes Garrison, labored hard to “grasp the peculiar significance of their role as Sanitarians–along with the conflicting loyalties implicit in that role. Letters and journals, reflecting a series of external events–often deeply shocking–and long-ingrained internal perspectives, witness the shaping of their self-discoveries.” The meaning of such text is often hard to decipher, and in Garrison’s attempts to analyze the experiences of U.S. Sanitary commission workers, she fails to humanize her subjects. I never got to know the women in the book, and I never felt immersed in their hardships.

Readers interested in a thoughtful perspective on what the failed Peninsula campaign meant to the women of the Sanitary Commission will do well to read Garrison’s book. Those wishing to know what these women actually did on the peninsula would do better to go directly to the firsthand sources: the letters and the memoirs of these highly articulate heroines. The complete story of the U.S. Sanitary Commission still deserves and needs to be told fully and well from a modern perspective, but With Courage and Delicacy is at least a step in the right direction.

From: historynet.com

Southern Tobacco In The Civil War

From: civilwarhome.com

        Native Americans cultivated tobacco in North America before the first English settlers arrived in Jamestown in 1607. The Indians believed that native tobacco had both religious and medicinal importance. Its use, for example, had great ritual significance for the Indians in the Chesapeake region. Native Americans often smoked tobacco in a pipe to cement a peace accord.

        Colonists at Jamestown were the first Europeans on the North American mainland to cultivate tobacco. As early as 1610 John Rolfe shipped a cargo to England for sale. But the naturally occurring tobacco plant in the Chesapeake region (Nicotiana rustica) was considered too bitter and harsh, and in 1611 Rolfe obtained seeds of the milder Nicotiana tabacum from the Spanish West Indies, Venezuela, and Trinidad for the Jamestown colonists. Thereafter, tobacco production increased rapidly in the Chesapeake Bay area, soon spreading to Maryland. Production continued to increase throughout the colonial period and by the middle of the eighteenth century, Maryland and Virginia were shipping nearly 70 million pounds of tobacco a year to Britain.

        Some colonial aristocrats in both Britain and the American colonies believed that tobacco smoking was evil and hazardous to the health. This had little effect in halting the spread of the practice. By the eve of the Revolutionary War, tobacco had become the leading cash crop produced by all the colonies, North and South. Exports rose to over 100 million pounds a year, constituting half of all colonial export trade with Britain.

        The methods used for cultivating and curing tobacco have changed over time and varied from region to region. Initially, planters in the Chesapeake region cured tobacco by gathering the plant on the ground and letting the sun dry the leaves, hut sun-curing was soon given up in favor of a technique known as air-curing. Tobacco workers gathered leaves in parcels called "hands" and placed them over polls five feet in length. Then the hands were hung inside an open barn to complete the curing process. When fully dried, the tobacco was packed into large containers called hogsheads for shipping. Air-curing, popular in the Piedmont and tidewater regions until the early nineteenth century, resulted in a milder tasting leaf.

        Methods of curing tobacco by heat were known in the 1700s, but the process did not become popular until the early nineteenth century. In the 1820s the bright tobacco leaves of North Carolina and eastern Virginia, and later Kentucky and middle Tennessee, were cured by using enclosed smoking-sawdust fires to dry the tobacco hung in small barns. Although the modern method of flu-curing tobacco using charcoal heat was invented in 1839 in North Carolina, this method was not widely used until after the Civil War.

        Both tobacco cultivation and manufacturing are labor-intensive activities. Initially, the Virginia Company of London used white indentured servants to harvest the crop, but they were soon replaced by African slaves. The presence of a large slave population engaged in the cultivation and curing of tobacco tied the growth of slavery to the rise of the plantation system. By 1860, 350,000 slaves were cultivating tobacco. It was, however, an exploitive crop that quickly exhausted the soil, requiring constant clearing of new land. The system also worked against the establishment of urban industrial centers in the colonial and antebellum South.

        Throughout the colonial period commercial production of tobacco had centered in Northern port cities, but by the antebellum period, as a result of a surplus of slave labor and the great supply of raw material, commercial manufacturing shifted to the tobacco-growing regions in the South. Virginia dominated the industry with factories located at Richmond, Petersburg, Lynchburg, and Danville, and the border states of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri also became tobacco manufacturing centers.

        The differing ways of consuming tobacco have often mirrored larger cultural trends. Tobacco has been smoked in pipes, cigars, and cigarettes, and also chewed and taken as snuff Pipe smoking was the most prevalent form of tobacco consumption in the colonial period, although in the late 1700s taking snuff became popular among the elite who were emulating the European aristocracies. Chewing was distinctly American and became popular on the expanding frontier. After the Mexican War cigar smoking became the fad, but during the Civil War people returned to pipes and began rolling cigarettes for the first time.

        As in so many other areas of Southern life, the Civil War seriously disrupted the South's tobacco growing and manufacturing. The tobacco-rich states of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee sided with the Confederacy; the success of their crop rose and fell with that of the rebel nation. The tobacco-producing border states of Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland fell early to Union control. Under the pressure of war, tobacco manufacturing, located in the South throughout the antebellum period, shifted quickly to the North. New York City became the North's tobacco-manufacturing center, servicing the area once dominated by Virginia tobacco planters. Like New York, Louisville also profited by the wars disruption of Southern market towns, becoming the center of tobacco trade in the West.

        Confederate policy and military campaigns in the heartland of the South's tobacco regions devastated Southern tobacco planting and manufacturing. In an attempt to encourage the planting of foodstuffs, the Confederate Congress in March 1862 passed a joint resolution recommending that Confederate states refrain from planting tobacco. Planters often ignored Congress's suggestions, however. The Virginia Assembly also attempted to limit tobacco growing with a law passed in March 1863, and renewed planting restrictions again in February 1864. Other tobacco-growing states passed similar legislation during the war. In addition, local newspapers such as the Edgefield Advertiser of South Carolina also exhorted their readers to switch from the planting of tobacco to desperately needed foodstuffs.

        Union control of the Mississippi from mid-1863, combined with the naval blockade, restricted the export and manufacturing of tobacco products, as did the shift of factories to manufacturing war materiel. In Richmond, after the First Battle of Manassas, several tobacco warehouses were converted into prisons for Union soldiers. The tobacco-rich county of Louisa, Virginia, saw the kind of physical destruction typical of regions exposed to intense military activity. Intermittent Union raids into the county and one of the wars largest cavalry battles at Trevillians Depot destroyed not only the crops and livestock but also the county's infrastructure. Every Confederate and border state saw a decline in tobacco production in the 1860s.

        The tobacco town of Danville, Virginia, however, took advantage of the vicissitudes of war. In the late 1850s its tobacco industry was in decline, and the community was reluctant to answer the call to arms in 1861. Nevertheless, Danville prospered during the war. Located safely behind enemy lines along a major railroad to Richmond, Danville became a lucrative place for the activities of merchants and manufacturers. Through their investments, the town and the surrounding county saw a revival in the tobacco industry. As a result of its returning prosperity, Danville citizens opposed attempts by Confederate soldiers to destroy the rail connection with Richmond in order to stop the Union advance. Local businessmen also looked favorably upon the Union takeover on the ground that it would bring peace and stability to the region.

        While the war made it difficult for the public to obtain tobacco, both Confederate and Union soldiers found it plentiful. Since much of the fighting took place in the tobacco rich regions of the South, soldiers often helped themselves. For years the U.S. Navy had supplied its sailors with tobacco rations. In February 1864 the Confederate government followed suit and included tobacco as part of the army's rations. Often, in the quiet moments between battle, Confederate and Union soldiers would exchange goods. The traditional swap was Northern coffee for Southern tobacco. Tobacco habits also revealed class distinctions in the South. Confederate officers did not receive the tobacco rations granted to soldiers. Nevertheless, Confederate officers favored the more fashionable smoking of cigars.

        Tobacco had a profound influence on the history of the South. Early cultivation brought prosperity and helped ensure the economic survival of the colonies. The development of the tobacco plantation system, however, helped establish slavery in the South to a degree not found in the North. Because tobacco cultivation quickly wore out the soil, planters were constantly clearing new land, leading to the expansion of slavery and tobacco growing.

Source: "The Confederacy" A Macmillan Information Now Encyclopedia, article by Orville Vernon Burton and Henry Kamerling.

Civil War Soldiers: Decimated by Disease

By Glenn W. LaFantasie

Disease and primitive medical knowledge were the Civil War soldier’s worst enemies. For every soldier killed in battle, two died of disease. During their first summer of service in the Confederate army, William C. Oates and his comrades of the 15th Alabama Infantry Regiment watched as the first casualties dropped from their ranks, not from wounds inflicted by their Federal foes but from the deadlier onslaught of microbes and viruses in their camp. The Alabamians learned before they ever fired a single shot in anger that war often brought suffering and death where they were least expected, and that this particular war would seldom show mercy to anyone caught in the swath of its deadly scythe.

Oates was a lawyer, newspaper publisher and editor, as well as a former fugitive from justice who had spent part of his youth as a gambler in Texas. In July 1861 he formed a militia company in Henry County, Alabama—the “Henry Pioneers”—that become Company G of the newly established 15th Alabama Infantry, under the command of Colonel James Cantey. Oates was named captain of Company G. From Fort Mitchell on the Chattahoochee River, Cantey moved his regiment—about 1,000 men strong—north by train to Richmond, where the 15th Alabama spent a few weeks drilling and training. Then, on August 21, the regiment received orders to proceed to the front. When they heard the news, the men cheered and sang all through the night.

The next morning, Cantey led the regiment through the streets of Richmond to the railroad depot, where President Jefferson Davis reviewed the troops and complimented Cantey on their fine appearance. The newly elected governor of Alabama, John Gill Shorter, a prominent Democrat from Eufaula with whom Oates was politically allied, was also there to see the 15th off, and he delivered a short address before the men boarded the cars. According to one Alabama soldier, Gill’s speech “did our hearts good,” for apparently the governor stirringly invoked the memory of Patrick Henry who, 80 years before, had denounced King George III by declaring, “Give me liberty, or give me death!” Once on the train, the men gave a rousing Rebel yell, the whistle blew, and the wooden stock cars lurched forward toward Manassas Junction.

All around Centreville and Manassas, near where the Confederates had won their first major victory in a battle fought on July 21, Brigadier General Joseph E. Johnston had extended the Southern lines. Reinforcements from all over the South were being rushed to the Manassas defenses as recruits poured into the army in the wake of the fighting along Bull Run. By August, Johnston’s army numbered less than 40,000 soldiers, and the general believed he needed more men to keep the Federal army from contemplating—and perhaps succeeding in—another southward push.

As the train carrying the 15th Alabama passed through little hamlets—places no bigger or even smaller than Abbeville, the county seat where Oates had mustered in the Henry Pioneers—on its ambling journey north, Virginians stood by the tracks cheering the soldiers and waving their hats and handkerchiefs. At each stop, Gus McClendon, one of Oates’s privates in Company G, remembered that “the patriotic ladies and beautiful Virginia girls would be gathered…to welcome us, distributing their fruits and flowers and cheering us on with expressions of delight when informed we were from Alabama.”

It took all day for the train to reach Manassas Junction, where the men of the 15th Alabama got off the cars, formed ranks, and marched about five miles from the station to an old field called Pageland, a flat open plain just north of Warrenton Turnpike where the Page family had intended to build a mansion and develop a plantation. On the march, Captain Benjamin Gardner of Company I led his men while he held a great umbrella over his head. “It had a most unmilitary appearance,” Oates remembered years later, “but the captain was large and corpulent, a lawyer by profession, unused to the sun, 52 years old, and therefore excusable.”

The 15th Alabama went into camp beside the 21st North Carolina, the 16th Mississippi, and the 21st Georgia Regiments. Across the broad expanse of field, practically nothing but row upon row of tents could be seen. The noise of camp—officers shouting, feet plodding on dry sod, bugles blowing, drums tapping—echoed over Pageland in one vast discord of sound. Although the water in the camp was bad, the weather was hot, and many thirsty soldiers decided to drink the tainted water rather than suffer from dehydration. Colonel Cantey saw to it that his companies drilled hard every day, and from miles around one could see the dust rising from Pageland like the billowing smoke of a forest fire.

“Drilling and performing the routine of camp duty was the regular order,” recalled Oates. Despite the arduous regularity of drilling every day for at least four hours, the men did have some respite and moments of gaiety and laughter. Oates fondly remembered “the fife of old Hildebrand, and Jimmie Newberry’s and Pat Brannon’s drums, as they were heard at reveille and tattoo.” Colonel Cantey’s teamster also brought a smile to the men’s faces: He “was the only man connected with the regiment,” Oates said, “who could surpass the Colonel in profanity.” But camp life involved mostly endless marching and backbreaking work. As Gus McClendon remembered: “The fatigue duty consisted of policing the camp, looking after its sanitary condition, cutting and hauling wood, and going with the forage and commissary wagons to the depot at Manassas Junction, to assist in loading them with the supplies for man and beast.”

With the camp less than two miles from the fields where the Battle of Manassas had been fought, Oates decided to take Company G and some other men from the regiment on a tour of the ground. It had just been a month since the Confederate victory, and the Alabamians were all curious to see what a battlefield really looked like. At first, the terrain matched their own romantic conceptions of the battle and the heroes who had fallen fighting for their righteous cause. Oates recalled that white posts “had been set up to mark each of the places where fell General [Bernard] Bee, of South Carolina, Colonels [Francis] Bartow, Georgia; [Charles] Fisher, of North Carolina, and [Egbert] Jones, of Alabama.”

The men walked over the ground with expressions of awe and wonder on their faces. Caspar W. Boyd, a private in Company I, wrote home to his parents that he “found a sight ther that I never saw befor.” Some of the dead from the battle had been hastily buried and their arms and hands protruded from beneath thin mounds of dirt. Boyd and his comrades even discovered severed hands and feet on the ground. The carcasses of dead horses still littered the field. He remarked that they strolled by the Widow Henry house, where the widow herself had been “kiled on her bed” during the battle.

Oates distinctly remembered, almost 45 years later, the pungent smell of fennel and pennyroyal—weeds growing on the battlefield that had been mashed down during the fight and still gave off their recognizable aromas. Some of Oates’s men thought the odor came from “dead Yankees,” concluding that Northerners must have a different smell in death than Southerners. A few of the Alabamians reacted to the battlefield with less solemnity than did Oates or Caspar Boyd. Gus McClendon reported that some of the men treated the outing like a picnic, and they felt “like birds turned out of a cage.” Nevertheless, he and his companions could not avoid being amazed at the sight of the remnants of a stand of pine where the 7th Georgia was known to have held its ground during the battle. The trees had been chopped to pieces by musket volleys. “It was a wonder to us,” wrote McClendon, “how a man could live in such a place.”

If nothing else, the excursion to the Manassas battlefield gave the Alabama boys reason to ponder war and its grim realities. Oates and his men roamed fields where the grass was still stained red with dried blood, where unexploded shells lay exposed to view, and where minié balls covered patches of ground in a thick lead carpet. To McClendon, the “horrible” battlefield offered “sad scenes” that “furnished food for reflection.” Although some tried to treat the tour as a frolic, no one who visited the battlefield that day would ever regard war in quite the same fashion as he had done before.

“At the time,” wrote McClendon, “I was full of malice and hatred for the ‘Boys in Blue’ and was just as anxious to kill him as he was to kill me, yet when I would stop and take a second thought, and gaze upon those little mounds I could truthfully say of the dead ‘Boy in Blue’ that sometime, and somewhere, he had been ‘somebody’s darling.’ ” When the men walked solemnly back to Pageland and reached their camp, they thought their short journey had showed them the worst of war. They had no idea of the far worse horrors yet to come.

Those horrors began at Pageland. It was in the Confederate camps there that, in the words of one private in the 15th Alabama, “the reaper commenced the harvest of death” that would continue for the regiment until its surrender at Appomattox. When the 15th Alabama had first arrived at Pageland, its closest neighbor in the camp, the 21st North Carolina, was already struggling with an epidemic of measles and serious outbreaks of mumps and typhoid. All of these diseases were—and still are—highly contagious, although in our modern times we have grown accustomed to dealing with them during childhood and have vaccines that prevent their spread and other medicines that quickly wipe them out. In the Civil War, measles was by far, as Oates himself declared, “the worst enemy of our army,” for it spread rapidly among the adult soldiers who had developed no immunity to the disease and who could do nothing to fight it.

Measles cut through the ranks of the 15th Alabama at the encampment like a biblical plague or the medieval Black Death. No one, including the small number of surgeons assigned to the army, knew that the disease was carried on droplets through the air and that proximity to the virus meant almost certain infection. In this respect, it is somewhat miraculous that the entire Confederate camp at Pageland was not stricken with the disease. Infected soldiers experienced high fever, rash, runny noses, watery eyes, and coughing. Due to the lack of a vaccine and effective treatments, few men who were infected survived the illness. After the initial symptoms, their condition generally worsened. Some soldiers came down with pneumonia and encephalitis (brain inflammation) as a result of measles; others suffered middle-ear infections, severe diarrhea, and convulsions. The worst cases—and there were hundreds of them among the troops of the 15th Alabama—resulted in death.

The first man in the regiment to die was Andrew J. Folmar, 18, a private in Company I. Then many others quickly became sick and had no strength or immunity to fight off the overwhelming disease. About 100 of the regiment’s men died over the span of six weeks. A military funeral and burial were performed for each death, and obsequies soon became part of the camp’s daily routine. Overcome with emotion from this profusion of sickness and death, one private wrote in despair: “Beneath the soil of Prince William [County], now slumber in quiet repose, secure from summer’s heat and winter’s cold, from the cares of life and shock of strife, the noblest and best of the regiment.”

Those who fell to sickness were stricken by the fear—and the near certainty—of approaching death. Sick and well alike yearned for the comforts of home and to be magically transported from this strange land where so many men were dying. For those on death’s doorstep, the longing for home was even more pronounced. “The thought of home is ever uppermost in the mind,” admitted one Alabamian, “and a wish exists to be buried with their fathers and the companies of their youth.” Their wish would not be granted. At Pageland, the “Dead March” was so frequently heard that men became inured to it and soon did not even inquire as to who had died or was being buried. The endless deaths produced a “crude shock” among the men of the 15th Alabama and, as anyone might expect, “threw a gloom” over the camp that could not be shaken off.

So many men were sick that the routine camp duty for those who remained healthy became more strenuous than ever, for now there were fewer hands to do the work. Throughout the desolation of this epidemic, the 15th Alabama—just like all the other regiments—was ordered to keep up its drill four hours a day, although those who were not sick began to lose their strength under the physical burdens they had to bear.

Oates became outraged at the desperate situation. He faulted the army for keeping the sick in the same camp with the healthy men, which ensured that those who were not yet sick soon would be. Years later he wrote in anger:

"I do not know who was responsible for it, but it was a great mistake. There was not that care taken of the men of any regiment, so far as my observation extended, which foresight, prudence and economy of war material—leaving humanity out of the question—imperatively demanded….Had the Confederate authorities made more persistent efforts than they did, hospitals could have been more established in sufficient numbers to have saved the lives of hundreds and thousands of good men, which were for the want of them unnecessarily sacrificed."

Oates believed that the surgeons could be blamed as well. They were “criminally negligent,” he said, “for not earnestly protesting against such sacrifices of human life.” He reached a bitter, but obvious, conclusion: “This folly lost to the service more men than were put out of it by the enemy’s bullets.”

Someone in Johnston’s high command eventually decided that the Alabamians had stayed in Pageland long enough, and around the middle of September the 15th Alabama, along with several other regiments, received orders to transfer their camps closer to Centreville. Oates and the other capable officers and men of the 15th struck their tents under a sweltering sun, leaving about 300 of the regiment’s sick behind, and marched up and down the swales of the Warrenton Turnpike toward Bull Run. Surely the sights and sounds of death had been more than enough for them at Pageland, but the Alabamians once more had to march across the Manassas battlefield, where those dour reminders of war and combat remained exposed in their shallow graves. One of Oates’s men later wrote that the decomposing carcasses of humans and beasts spoke “in dumb eloquence” of man’s inhumanity.

From the battlefield, Oates led his men—beaten down by the heat, their own fatigue, and somber thoughts of death—along the Alexandria Pike until they reached a vast open field, not altogether unlike Pageland, about five miles east of Centreville and three miles west of Fairfax Court House. There they established Camp Toombs, named in honor of Robert Augustus Toombs of Georgia, who had resigned his appointment as Confederate secretary of state to become a brigadier general. (Oates called him “Georgia’s most erratic and greatest talker.”) Not far from the camp were “bold springs” of water, the kind Virginia was noted for, Oates said happily.

The measles predictably followed the column from Pageland to Camp Toombs, even though the sickest men had been quarantined at Pageland. The men of the 15th Alabama, and of a good number of other regiments as well, kept dying. Barnett “Bud” Cody, a private in the 15th Alabama who was the son of a clergyman and Oates’s playmate in their younger days, became ill and began to fear for his life. The doctor told him to stay in his tent, which soldiers were not allowed to do, especially when it came time for drill and dress parade. Oates, however, released Cody from duty from several days and allowed him to get stronger.

The army had an epidemic on its hands, and no one seemed to know quite what to do about it. The men turned to religion, as people—and particularly soldiers—do in times of doubt or utter despair. They were desperate, these young Confederate boys who cherished their Bibles and wrote home to their families to inform them that they kept up with their Scripture readings despite the taxing demands that the army placed on them every day. While Gus McClendon was on guard duty one day, a little girl gave him a Bible as a present, all carefully inscribed with the girl’s name. He carried the book through several battles, treasuring the gift and honoring the girl who had given it to him. In camp, an itinerant preacher arrived to do some Bible thumping and held a prayer meeting that attracted large numbers of soldiers. The preacher handed out Bibles to the men, but only if they would promise to carry the Good Book with them, which many of them did.

As the Confederates camped around Fairfax Court House and Centreville waited for the war to erupt into battle again, which it did not do during these long weeks in the early autumn of 1861, separate hospitals for each regiment’s roster of sick men were finally established. The 15th Alabama’s was set up at Haymarket, a little village of a handful of houses and shops 10 miles west of Manassas Junction. Ill and dying soldiers from the 15th Alabama, including the ones who had been left behind at Pageland and those who had more recently succumbed to disease in Camp Toombs, were transported in uncomfortable springless wagons to the field hospital in Haymarket.

The village, located about six miles southwest of the Manassas battlefield, was not a perfect place to set up a hospital. South and west of the town a marshy stretch of woods produced more than a sufficient quantity of “bad air” and “bad water” that Civil War doctors incorrectly believed were the causes of contagious diseases.

The men of the 15th Alabama were brought to St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, and as many of them as would fit were laid out on the pews in this house of God. For some, those who held to their faith, knowing they were housed in a church gave them succor and hope. For others, they must have been pleased, at the very least, to have a sturdy and dry roof over their heads. Many of the sick, however, were quartered in tents raised in the fields around the church, the fields that already held those soldiers who had not recovered from their wounds after the Battle of Manassas. Others were given beds of straw and hay under the only protection available—the tall trees that shaded the yard around the church.

The sick were attended by Dr. Francis A. Stanford, a native of Georgia who had enlisted in the 15th Alabama at Fort Mitchell on the Chattahoochee, and by a Dr. Shepherd of Eufaula, Alabama, who was nearly 75 years old. Stanford had carefully selected Haymarket as the site of the regimental hospital. One soldier said of Stanford that he missed “no opportunity to provide for the well-being of the invalids.” This Alabamian had nothing but praise for the good doctor: “All of his time and talent is devoted to his profession and the amelioration of the suffering. Day by day we see him on his rounds of mercy from the rising of the sun until ‘the going down thereof,’ and from dark until midnight, in fair weather and foul, and oh! ungrateful humanity; we hear him abused the remaining six [hours of the day].”

Convalescents provided the nursing care to their comrades at the hospital. Oates visited St. Paul’s and described with a critical eye what he saw there:

"At this improvised hospital there was neither accommodations nor comfort; no bedding but the soldier’s blanket, with his knapsack for a pillow, and no nourishment but army rations; a scant supply of medicine and no medical attention worth having, except such as old Dr. Shepherd…could give….The nights in October were cold, and early in the month there was frost, and the suffering of the sick men was intolerable….It was no uncommon sight at that hospital to see six or seven corpses of 15th Alabama men laid out at once."

There were probably worse places to die than under those high trees (heavenly trees, the locals call them) or in the peaceful fields surrounding the church or in the quiet chancel of St. Paul’s in Haymarket. But the men did die, and whether the place was good or bad, serene or bedlam, the only thing that mattered was that poor boys who could not do anything to save themselves, young men a very long way from their homes in Alabama, were slipping away. In time, the epidemic abated and the deaths finally ceased, but the Confederate forces in northern Virginia had already paid a very stiff price by losing good men, young men who had not yet even experienced the horror of combat but who had come to know of hell by confronting an invisible enemy against whom they had no defense.

At Camp Toombs, where the remainder of the 15th Alabama spent that autumn, camp life fell into the same old routines. Company and battalion drill, said Oates, was the daily occupation. Years afterward he remembered: “Occasionally we were aroused by a rumor, incident to such a life, concerning the advance or other movements of the enemy; but, having no foundation, the excitement soon subsided. Later in the war the soldiers denominated such rumors as ‘grapevine telegrams’ and paid no attention to them.” In the loneliness of an army camp, with thousands of fellow soldiers all around, some of the men, Oates claimed, died of homesickness.

As for the sick and dying at Haymarket, Oates could not take his mind off them. Their suffering, as he had said, was unbearable—to them and to their comrades who survived. It is not known precisely how many men the 15th Alabama buried in the fields around St. Paul’s Church, where their remains still lay after all this time. A stone marker near the entrance to the church states flatly, without mention of the dead of the 15th Alabama: “In this area are buried 80 unknown Confederate soldiers who died of wounds after the battle of Manassas, July 21, 1861.”

Oates thought that at least 150 men died there and were buried in the churchyard, but in old age, as he wrote his memoirs and strained to remember the details of the Haymarket hospital, he caught himself and confessed that the number must have been much greater. The adjutant’s report for the month of November 1861 alone listed 60 dead. With sadness in his heart, Oates said he thought the estimates were all low. And he was probably right. It seems likely that no less than 200 men from the 15th Alabama, and perhaps considerably more than that, fell from disease at Haymarket and are buried in the fields (or what is left of them) to the north and west of the church building.

Haymarket was not unique in the autumn of 1861, for there were hospital sites just like the one at St. Paul’s near practically every army camp, Union and Confederate, from Virginia to Texas. The hell faced by the men of the 15th Alabama at Haymarket was experienced by thousands of soldiers on both sides. Few of the men who got sick in their camps recovered from their illnesses; most who contracted measles or mumps or whooping cough or typhoid—or any of the other highly contagious and highly lethal diseases that sliced through Civil War armies—died without ever really understanding what had happened to them or why they had to die. Over the next four years, disease continued to take its toll in the Confederate and Union ranks, and the terrible scenes that had taken place at Pageland, Camp Toombs, and Haymarket would repeat themselves across the American countryside until the war, and all its hard suffering, finally ended.

What William C. Oates and the boys of the 15th Alabama learned in the late summer and autumn 1861 was a lesson learned by every soldier in every war. It was a lesson as old as time. War is all misery, cruelty, and hell. And all too often young soldiers—brave and true boys—give their lives for no good reason at all.

Glenn W. LaFantasie is the author of Gettysburg Requiem: The Life of William C. Oates (Oxford University Press, 2006). This article was first published in MHQ, Spring 2004.

From: historynet.com

Monday, January 18, 2016

Did Mercury in "Little Blue Pills" Make Abraham Lincoln Erratic?

By Hillary Mayell for National Geographic News, 7-17-01

Tales of the melancholia that dogged U.S. President Abraham Lincoln at various times during his life have been documented by historians and biographers and in Lincoln's own correspondence.

Whether he suffered from a full-blown case of what today is called clinical depression is unknown. What is known, however, is that for a while, Lincoln took little blue pills to treat his condition.

Known as "blue mass," the little blue pills were a 19th-century staple. They were prescribed for a host of ailments, including apoplexy, worms, child-bearing, tuberculosis, toothaches, and constipation.

The key ingredient was mercury—and the medication was well on its way to poisoning Lincoln when he stopped taking it in 1861, says a team of researchers in a study published in the Summer 2001 issue of Perspectives in Biology and Medicine.

"Cave of Gloom"
Lincoln lived in what a friend called "a cave of gloom." His melancholy "was a matter of frequent discussion among his friends," wrote William H. Herndon, Lincoln's law partner and biographer.

Norbert Hirschhorn, a medical historian and the lead author of the new study, said of Lincoln: "There seem to be clear, qualitative changes in his underlying behavior during the 1850's. The gloom becomes impenetrable. He becomes subject to towering rages and outbursts of bizarre behavior—jumping up suddenly and running out of the house for no reason, bursts of inappropriate laughter."

To document the changes in Lincoln's behavior, the authors of the study cited numerous accounts of friends and fellow lawyers who traveled the legal circuit with the man who became the 16th U.S. President.

Lincoln's leaps to rage could be terrifying. One contemporary described his face in anger as "lurid with majestic and terrifying wrath." Another described him as "so angry that he looked like Lucifer in an uncontrollable rage."

During an 1858 debate with Stephen Douglas, his rival for a seat in the U.S. Senate, Lincoln became so enraged that he grabbed a former aide and shook him until his teeth chattered.

As President during the U.S. Civil War, Lincoln was known for his steady hand, patience, and wisdom. The authors believe the difference between Lincoln the statesman and the earlier Lincoln lies in the "blue mass" pills.

"Mercury poisoning certainly could explain Lincoln's known neurological symptoms: insomnia, tremor, and the rage attacks," said Robert G. Feldman, a professor of neurology, pharmacology, and environmental health at Boston University's School of Medicine and Public Health, who was a co-author of the scientific report.

Hirschhorn said: "In the absence of a hair sample from 1855 to 1861, which I don't think exists, we can't absolutely prove mercury poisoning. But it's a very good clinical suspicion."

Reconstructed Formula
A few months after his presidential inauguration in 1861, Lincoln told his good friend John T. Stuart that he had quit taking the little blue pills because they made him "cross."

Ian A. Greaves, an associate dean at the University of Minnesota's School of Public Health, reformulated "blue mass" using a 19th-century recipe, which included mercury, liquorice root, rosewater, honey, sugar, and dead rose petals. The ingredients were combined using a traditional mortar and pestle, and then shaped into the early pill's typical size.

The reconstructed "blue pill" was a round gray pellet the size of a peppercorn. If taken at the normally prescribed dose of the time—one pill two or three times a day—it would deliver nearly 9,000 times the amount of mercury that is deemed safe for people by current health standards.

Because the effects of mercury poisoning are reversible, Lincoln's decision to quit taking the little blue pills had extremely important consequences, said Hirschhorn.

"Faced with as great stresses as any President, Lincoln demonstrated incredible maturity, calm, and steadiness at the helm," Hirschhorn said. "He might not have had that capacity if he had continued taking blue mass. That insight may have been crucial to the outcome of the Civil War."

From: nationalgeographic.com

The Unique Journey of the USS Red Rover

By Emily L. Moore, EdD, Iowa State University, Ames, United States

The USS Red Rover was commissioned on December 26, 1862, by the Union as the first US Navy hospital ship. It had been built in 1859 as a commercial use wooden side-wheel river steamer and purchased in 1861 by the Confederate States of America. In 1862 it was bombarded and captured on the Mississippi River by a Union gunboat and later refurbished as a floating summer hospital, this at a time when medical care was very limited.1

At the beginning of the war the Army used steamers and transports as makeshift hospitals to carry casualties upriver.  Sanitation and hygiene were very poor, and by the time the war ended, “more men had died from diseases as malaria, measles, small pox, cholera, typhoid fever, typhus and dysentery than died of gunshot wounds.”2 Most patients hoped to just make it to port for better facilities.  An agent of the Governor of Indiana said after the Battle of Shiloh, “From what I have already seen I think the sick need better attention.”3 Sanitation was of great concern, and the need for a hospital ship such as the USS Red Rover was great.

With the financial assistance of the Western Sanitary Commission and civilian efforts, the concept of a fully equipped and efficient medical ship became reality.  In the rebuilding of the USS Red Rover an operating room was installed, also a galley with separate kitchen facilities for patients and staff, an icebox of 300 ton capacity, an open cabin aft for better air circulation, gauze blinds placed over windows to reduce cinder and smoke, and a steam boiler in the laundry room. There was even an elevator for transporting patients between decks.2,4

On board there were stores for three months and medical supplies sufficient for 200 persons.2 The ship  was also armed with one thirty-two pounder gun,2,4 and had a crew of twelve officers and thirty-five men. Some thirty other persons worked in the medical department, four of those being Sisters of the Holy Cross.1

The significance of the USS Red Rover as the first hospital ship cannot be underestimated, but the untold story of other firsts, the “Sisters” and the “Contrabands”, are equally important in the story of the  healing of the nation. On October 28, 1861, the Sisters of the Holy Cross were sent to St. Louis, Mo., Cairo and Mound City, Illinois to tend to the sick and wounded.

"We were not prepared as nurses but our hearts made our hands willing and our sympathy ready, and so with God’s help, we did much towards alleviating the dreadful suffering."5

According to Naval records, Sister M. Veronica, Sister M. Adela and Sister M. Calesta transferred on Christmas Eve, December 24, 1862, from the Army Hospital at Mound City for service on the USS Red Rover.1  They were joined by Sister M. John on February 9, 1863, and later by others, all becoming the first female nurses on a US Navy hospital ship at a time when there were no nursing schools in America,  nurses in military hospitals having no formal training, and election was based primarily on their being at least thirty years old, demure, and with a moral reputation.3 In Sis. Calesta’s account of battle and serving, she states:

"Mother M. Angela and I slept on a table on some clothes which had been sent to be washed. After the battle of Fort Donelson, February 16, 1862 … many had been neglected on the field; and frozen fingers, ears and feet were the result.  Sometimes men were brought in with worms actually crawling in their wounds. After one battle there were 700 sick and only four sisters to wait on them. It was a heart-rending to see the poor men holding out their hands to the Sisters to attract attention, for many were not able to speak.  At another time the smallpox raged among the soldiers and we had charge of the pest house."5

Mother Angela continues,

"General Strong and his staff visited today.  It was a great display and contrasted the pomp of war on one side with its misery and horror on the other as they passed…wards filled with the wounded sick and dying."5

The USS Red Rover made several trips on the Mississippi River with sick and wounded.  On one trip Mother Angela and Sister Veronica were on the mail boat when it was attacked and a shot passed directly through Sister Veronica’s veil.5 By their commitment, the Sisters of the Holy Cross and other women  became the predecessors of the U.S. Navy Nurse Corps.6

During the Civil War twenty percent of the US Navy's total enlisted force were black sailors, primarily escaped slaves, referred to by the Union as “contrabands”7 and were identified as confiscated property that could have been used by the Confederacy in the war. After the passing of the Confiscation Act of 1861 and in defiance of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, the Union determined there was no legal obligation to return these contrabands to slavery.8

Black sailors constituted a significant segment of naval manpower and nearly doubled the number of black soldiers serving in the U.S. Army. They did manual labor or worked in general assistance, damage control units, and small arms crews, but their maritime skills were strategically important on the Mississippi River and in the work of the Mississippi Squadron.  At the combined army and navy assault on Vicksburg, commanders took great advantage of the knowledge and experience of the black sailors.7 As the hospital ship assigned to the Mississippi Squadron, the USS Red Rover sailed with them during actions.9 Thus, contrabands, both male and female, played an important  role during the war, particularly on the USS Red Rover.

Women contrabands served in various capacities. Unrecognized as nurses, they were often identified as cooks, laundress, and chambermaids even though they performed nursing duties and cared for the sick.10 There were two female contraband nurses, Alice Kennedy and Sarah Kinno, when the USS Red Rover was commissioned, December 26, 1862 and they were joined later by Ellen Campbell, Betsy Young, Dennis Downs, and Ann Bradford Stokes.1 Working under the direction of the Sisters of the Holy Cross, these black women contrabands were chosen because their midwifery skills had made them accustomed to blood.9 They were enlisted as “first class boys” and paid as such.  (First class boys were young men under seventeen years old performing general sailor duties.11)

Ann Bradford Stokes came aboard the USS Red Rover January 25, 18632 as a contraband, unable to read and write.  She was taught skills by the Sisters of the Holy Cross and remained on active duty until October 1864.  She married another contraband, Gilbert Stokes, also in service on the USS Red Rover, and they later moved to Illinois. After his death she applied for disability pension on her husband’s service, at first  unsuccessfully, but  with her literary skills reapplied in 1890, basing her claim on her eighteen months service on the USS Red Rover. She proved her disability, so that born in slavery, she was the first woman to receive a pension for military service in the United States.12

As a “first” the USS Red Rover was the platform that launched efforts to heal a nation divided by war, killing, disease, and racial hatred.  It was the first US Naval Hospital Ship, financed in part by the Western Sanitary Commission, a forerunner to the Red Cross.14 It was the first time that American women served as nurses in active military duty, the service of the Sisters of the Holy Cross being a forerunner to the US Navy Nurse Corps.  Another first was the recognition of Ann Bradford Stokes by awarding her a pension for service to her country.  Furthemore, the enlistment of male and female “Contrabands” whose service was exemplary, transcended race and color at a time when race and color were at the center of the conflict.

Speaking at the Western Sanitation Fair in March 1864, President Abraham Lincoln recognized and honored the women, white and black, who pioneered social change in America:

If all that has been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise of women applied to the women of America, it would not do them justice for their conduct during this war.”13

In this effort the unique journey of the USS Red Rover served as a healing spirit for a divided nation.

References
US Navy Department, “History of U. S. Navy Hospital Ship Red Rover”, 1962. https://archive.org/details/HISTORYOFU.S.NAVYHOSPITALSHIPREDROVER  Accessed January 10, 2015
Dike, William L., U.S.S. Red Rover: Civil War Hospital Ship. Baltimore: Publish America, 2004, pp. 5,14, 22, 56, 60
Seigel, Peggy Brase, She Went to War: Indiana Nurses in the Civil War.  Indiana Magazine of History, Vol. 86, March 1990: 11-12
290 Foundation, U.S.S. Red Rover, https://sites.google.com/site/290foundation/history/u-s-s-red-rover Accessed December 31,2014
Sis M. Eleanore. On the King’s Highway, A History of the Sisters of the Holy Cross of St. Mary of the Immaculate Conception. New York: D. Appleton and Co., pp. 197-295
Red Rover – The U.S. Navy’s First Hospital Ship. Dennis M. Davidson. http://archive.org/details/RedRoverTheU.S.NavysFirstHospitalShip Accessed January 10, 2015
Reidy, Joseph P. Black Men in Navy Blue During the Civil War, Part 1 and 2. Prologue, Fall 2001 33(3). http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2001/fall/black-sailors-2.html . Accessed December 31, 2014
Rogers, C.J., Seidule, T. and Watson, S. U.S. Military Academy, The West Point History of the Civil War. NY: Simon and Schuster, 2014
Southernmost Illinois History. http://www.southernmostillinoishistory.net Accessed January 10, 2015
U.S. Colored Troops During the Civil War. Transcript, March 16,2013 http://www.c-span.org/video?311639-2/us-colored-troops-civil-war
Civil War Virtual Museum, Trans-Mississippi Theater.  http://civilwarvirtualmuseum.org  Accessed January 10, 2015
Maggie MacLeon, Civil War Nurses on Hospital Ships, African American Women on the Red Rover, Civil War Women Blog, November 14, 2014 http://civilwarwomenblog.com/civil-war-nurses-on-hospital-ships/   Accessed January 24, 2015
Sanitary Commission Fair in Washington. The History Channel website; http://www.history.com /this-day-in-history/sanitary-commission-fair-in-washington Accessed January 31, 2015 15. US Sanitary Commission. http://www.ourstory.info/1/USSC.html  Accessed January 30, 2015

EMILY L. MOORE, EdD, is Professor Emerita, College of Human Sciences, School of Education, Iowa State University. She served as Associate Dean for Academic and Faculty Affairs; Chair and Professor, Department of Health Studies; Director, Master in Health Administration (MHA)-Global program in the College of Health Professions, Medical University of South Carolina, Charleston.

From: hektoeninternational.org

Image: USS Red Rover. On the Western Rivers during the Civil War, with an ice boat tied up alongside her port side. U. S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

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